¹ See especially, Groves, C. P., The Planting of Christianity in Africa, IV, 1914–1954 (London, 1958), 106–20;Google Scholar also Carter, F., ‘Education in Uganda, 1894–1945, (University of London Ph.D. dissertation, 1967), 133–8.Google Scholar

² A valuable pioneer sketch of Oldham's African interests is provided in Bennett's, G., ‘Paramountcy to partnership: J. H. Oldham and Africa’, Africa, xxx, 4 (1960), 356–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For Jones's lengthy association with Negro education in America and Africa, see Dougall, J. W. C., ‘Thomas Jesse Jones, Crusader for Africa’, International Review of Missions (I.R.M.), XXXIX, (07, 1950).Google Scholar

³ See in detail, Meier, A., Negro Thought in America, 1880–1915: Racial Ideologies in the Age of Booker T. Washington (Ann Arbor, 1963).Google Scholar

⁴ Sadler, M. E., ‘The Education of the Coloured Race’, Special Reports on Educational Subjects, vol. XI, XXIX (London, 1902);Google Scholar also, Sadler to B. T. Washington, 23 09. 1901 (box 209, Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.).Google Scholar

⁵ Jones, T. J., Education in Africa (New York, 1922), 141–2;Google ScholarPubMedAshby, E., Universities: British, Indian, African: A Study in the Ecology of Higher Education (London, 1966), 156.Google Scholar

⁶ Johnston, H. H., The Negro in the New World (London, 1911,), 386, 403;Google Scholar see also Washington's review of Johnston's book in Journal of the African Society, X (1910–1911), 178.Google Scholar

⁷ Hammond, H. E. D., ‘The system of education in Southern Rhodesia, 1890–1901: its origin and development’, in Board of Education. Special Reports on Educational Subjects, XXVI, cmd. 2378 (1905);Google ScholarKidd, D., Kafir Socialism and the Dawn of Individualism: an Introduction to the Study of the Native Problem (London, 1908), 265;Google ScholarHarlan, L. R., ‘Booker T. Washington and the white man's burden’, American Historical Review, LXXI, no. 2 (01. 1966), 448.Google ScholarElgee, C. H., Memorandum on the System of Negro Education in the United States of America, with a Study of its practical application to our West African Possessions, November 1905, box 992, Washington Papers, Library of Congress;Google ScholarOrr, J. R., ‘East Africa Protectorate’ (1912) in Imperial Education Conference Papers (H.M.S.O., London, 1915), 24.Google Scholar

⁸ This was the great theme of the conference; see papers of 1910 Conference in Missionary Research Library, New York.

⁹ Education in Relation to the Christianisation of National Life: Report of Commission III (World Missionary Conference, Edinburgh, 1910), 302.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ibid. 277, 213, 302. M. Sadler was a leading member of this Commission.

¹¹ Fraser, A. G. to Frissell, H. B., 28 08 1912, Hampton Institute Archives (H.I.A.) Virginia, U.S.A.Google Scholar

¹² Fraser, A. G., ‘Impressions of Hampton Institute’, I.R.M., 1, 713.Google Scholar

¹³ Oldham, to Frissell, H. B., 15 10 1932 (H.I.A.).Google Scholar

¹⁴ B. T. Washington had himself in April 1912 drawn considerable attention to Tuskegee through his International Conference on the Negro; see ‘The Negro in conference at Tuskegee Institute’, African Times and Orient Review (London), I, I (1912), 11.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Oldham, to Frissell, , 2 11 1912 (H.I.A.).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Oldham, to Frissell, , 24 04 1914 (H.I.A.).Google Scholar

¹⁷ See footnote 12.

¹⁸ Frissell, , ‘The value of industrial education’, I.R.M. IV (1915), 420–31.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Washington, B. T., ‘David Livingstone and the Negro’, I.R.M. 11 (1913), 224–35.Google Scholar

²⁰ Oldham, to Frissell, , 15 01 1917 (H.I.A.).Google Scholar

²¹ Memorandum on an Educational Institution for Meeting the Needs of the Mass Movements in India. January 18, 1917 (H.I.A.).

²² Loram, C. T., The Education of the South African Native (London, 1917). His research on this book included a thorough tour of the Southern States of America.Google Scholar

²³ Jones, T. J., Negro Education: A Study of the Private and Higher Schools for Colored People in the United States (Department of the Interior, Bureau of Education, Bulletins nos. 38, 39, 1916, Washington, 1917).Google Scholar

²⁴ Oldham, , ‘Christian missions and the education of the Negro’, I.R.M., VII (1918), 242–7.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid. 245.

²⁶ For the Phelps-Stokes Fund's highly significant involvement with Negro education and race relations in Africa and America in the first twenty years of its existence, see Twenty Year Report of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1911–1931 (New York, 1931); it is noteworthy that it was the only Fund operating in the Southern States which had this Pan-African interest written into its Charter. When Fraser's Education Commission was finally organized, it only sailed for India after the members had been exposed thoroughly to the Southern States under Jones's guidance.Google Scholar

²⁷ See especially DuBois, W. E. B., ‘Negro education’, Crisis (New York), XV, 4 (1918), 173–8;Google Scholar see also, DuBois, , ‘Thomas Jesse Jones’, Crisis, XXII (10 1925), 252–6.Google Scholar

²⁸ Moton, R. R. to Phelps Stokes, A., 19 01. 1919, box 75, Peabody Papers, Litrary of Congress.Google Scholar

²⁹ Minutes of Committee of Reference and Counsel of the Foreign Mission Conference of North America (28 Jan. 1919) in archives of Division of World Mission and Evangelism, Interchurch Centre, New York.

³⁰ T. J. Jones, Education in Africa, XXII; Smith, E. W., Aggrey of Africa (London,, 1929), 144–5.Google Scholar

³¹ Minutes of the Committee of Reference and Counsel, 4 Dec. 1919, see ref. 29 above.

³² Jones, T. J., Diary of the Phelps-Stokes Educational Commission (copy in Edinburgh House, London (E.H.)).Google ScholarCf., Aggrey to Moton, R. R., 26 11 1920, Tuskegee Institute Archives (T.I.A.), telling of his preaching Tuskegeeism throughout Africa.Google Scholar

³³ Oldham, to Moton, , 1 01 1925 (T.I.A.).Google Scholar

³⁴ Oldham, to Moton, , 03 1921 (T.I.A.). See footnote 74.Google Scholar

³⁵ Oldham, to Curtis, L., 11 02.1921, box 355, E. H. (now moved to World Council of Churches Archives, Geneva).Google Scholar

³⁶ Ibid.

³⁷ Tourtellot, I. to Moton, , 17 10 1925 (T.I.A.).Google Scholar

³⁸ See further K. J King, ‘African students in the American Negro college: some notes on the “good African”’ (forthcoming).

³⁹ Leys, N. M., ‘A problem in East African missions’, I.R.M. VIII (1919), 155–72;Google Scholar ‘Native races and their rulers’, I.R.M. VIII (1919), 263–6;Google Scholar ‘Christianity and labour conditions in Africa’, I.R.M. IX (1920), 544–51.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Leys, to Moton, , 11 01 1922 (T.I.A.);Google ScholarLeys, to Turner, B., 05 1921, E.H.;Google ScholarLeys, to Jones, T. J., 29 06 1925, E.H.Google Scholar

⁴¹ This was Oldham's Christianity and the Race Problem (London, 1924).Google Scholar

⁴² Leys, to Oldham, , 14 11 1921, folder on race, now in World Council Archives, Geneva.Google Scholar

⁴³ See footnote 32 above.

⁴⁴ Oldham, , Educational Policy in Africa (London, 1923), E.H.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Oldham, to Ormsby-Gore, , 8 06 1923 (E.H.).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Ormsby-Gore, to Oldham, , 9 06 1923 (E.H.). Dr Anson Phelps Stokes was the President of the Fund.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ For Vischer's account of his tour, see Vischer, to Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, 12 12 1923, C.O. 554/60, Public Record Office (P.R.O.), London.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Jones, T. J., Education in Africa, pp. xx–xxi.Google Scholar The effect of this exposure to the Southern States once missionaries had returned to Africa is most difficult to judge in the majority of cases; but with W. E. Owen of Kenya, at least, it does seem possible to argue that important political consequences flowed from it for Nyanza District. Although a radical and outspoken association had been formed amongst the Young Kavirondo in 1921, while Owen was on furlough, within a few months of his return from America he was receiving the congratulations of the Kenya Government, the Education Department and later the Phelps-Stokes Commission, for diverting this ‘political agitation towards social development’ through his newly formed Kavirondo Taxpayers’ Welfare Association. Owen made quite clear in a series of articles and letters to the East African Standard, that his priorities for Africans now were self-help projects for social welfare, and not political protest. Prior to Owen's return to Kenya, the Young Kavirondo had addressed its grievances direct to Government; the K.T.W.A., with Owen as its supervisor, and chairman, still brought memoranda to the Government's attention, but (as Aggrey was to point out to Owen in 1924) this was a much safer method: ‘I have talked about you as being an ideal Britisher in affording safety valve to the engine of native discontentment’ (sic). See further, Owen, W. E., ‘Native policy. Education, its objects and methods. Where missions and settlers have failed. An American model’, East African Standard (wkly., edition, Nairobi), 8 07 1922, 11.Google Scholar Also Owen, W. E., letter in E.A.S., 23 06 1923;Google Scholar and Aggrey, J. E. K. to Owen, , 15 04 1924,Google Scholar Acc. 83, Owen Papers, C. M. S. Archives, London. Further, K. M. Okaro-Kojwang', ‘Origins and establishment of the Kavirondo Taxpayers' Welfare Association’, in McIntosh, B. G. (edit.), Ngano (Nairobi Historical Studies No. 1, 1969, forthcoming).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Minutes of Annual Meeting of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, 19 Nov. 1924 (Phelps-Stokes Fund Archives (P.S.F.A.), New York).

⁵⁰ Ibid.

⁵¹ Minutes of semi-annual meeting of Phelps-Stokes Trustees, 28 May 1926 (P.S.F.A.).

⁵² There was also a small number of French and Belgian educationists among a majority of English-speaking visitors.

⁵³ Minutes of Annual Meeting of Phelps-Stokes Trustees, 17 Nov. 1926 (P.S.F.A.).

⁵⁴ Phelps Stokes, A. to Oldham, , 15 09 1924 (box 314, E.H., now in World Council, Geneva).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Phelps Stokes, A. to Rose, W., 21 10 1924 (P.S.F.A.).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Smith, E. W., Aggrey of Africa, 228–30;Google Scholar also Ward, W. E. F., Fraser of Trinity and Achimota (Ghana U.P., 1965);Google Scholar and Wraith, R. E., Guggisberg (London, 1967).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Notice also his fascination with the Negro schools (of the Tuskegee type) in his visit to the United States in 1927, Wraith, , op. cit. 132.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ W. E. F. Ward had toured Tuskegee and Hampton in 1924, and F. Irvine, Achimota's agriculturalist, had taught at Hampton.

⁵⁹ DuBois, writing to T. J. Jones, held him partly responsible for Achimota having ‘no academic standing’ even seven years after its foundation, and being ‘principally a kindergarten and elementary school’ (DuBois, to Jones, , 1 08 1932, P.S.F.A.).Google Scholar Also, DuBois, , ‘Education in Africa: A review of the recommendations of the African Education Committee’, Crisis, XXXII, no. 2 (1926), 86–9;Google Scholar ‘The sort of education Africans need’, Negro World (New York), XXI, 1 (08 14, 1926).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Jones, T. J., Education in East Africa (New York, 1925).Google Scholar

⁶¹ Oldham, to Dougall, J. W. C., 2 04 1925 (E.H.).Google Scholar

⁶² Keppel, F. P. (President of Carnegie Corporation) to Jones, , 7 04 1925, box 314, E. H., now in Geneva.Google Scholar

⁶³ See Jones, L. G. E., The Jeanes Teacher in the United States 1908–1933 (Chapel Hill, N. Carolina, 1937).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Oldham, to Dillard, J. H. (President of Jeanes Fund), 23 02 1925, Oldham Papers in possession of Kathleen Bliss.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Dougall, to Oldham, , 1 03. 1925Google Scholar (E.H.). On the subject of finding a legitimate place for the Negro missionary in Africa (in which Oldham was very deeply involved), see King, K. J., ‘The American Negro as missionary to East Africa: a critical aspect of African evangelism’, Makerere University Social Science Council Conference Paper, 01 1969, revised for African Historical Studies (Boston), Autumn 1969.Google Scholar Although the concern of this article is more with Oldham's policy direction than with its practical results, it is worth noting that the Jeanes School in Kenya did not succeed in living up to the very large ambitions he had for it. While turning out a series of utterly dedicated rural teachers, who were prepared to go back to work in inconspicuous roles in the village schools, it generally failed to attract Africans of high calibre, and did not noticeably move African educational aspirations from the western standard. For the comparable situation of the Jeanes teachers in America, see Myrdal, G., An American Dilemma. The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York, 1944), 1417.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ DuBois, , ‘Worlds of color’, Foreign Affairs (Washington), III, 3 04 (1925), 423–44.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Oldham, to Jones, , 5 05 1925 (E.H.).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Jones, to Oldham, , 14 07 1925 (E.H.).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Smith, E. W., Aggrey of Africa, 271.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ In view of the extreme hostility between Jones and the Negro director of the Journal of Negro History, Carter G. Woodson, it is of some significance that Aggrey was soliciting Woodson's aid for this thesis just two weeks before his own death: Aggrey, to Woodson, , 13 07 1927, box 6 acc. 3579, Woodson papers, Library of Congress.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Smith, E. W., op. cit. 171, 176;Google Scholar for the place of these two papers in the growth of political consciousness in Kenya and Uganda in the 1920s, see King, K. J. ‘The Young Baganda Association: some notes on the internationalization of early African politics in Buganda’, Jour, of Afr. & Asian Studies (Delhi), III, 1, (1969).Google Scholar

⁷² Oldham, to Jones, , 12 1925 (E.H.).Google Scholar

⁷³ Woodson, C. G., The History of the Negro Church (Washington, 1921), 309;Google ScholarPhelps Stokes, A., Confidential Memorandum for the Trustees of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, formerly box 314, E.H., now Geneva;Google ScholarDuBois, , ‘Thomas Jesse Jones’, 256.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ The Negro World, XIII, no. 10 (21 10 1922), 1. Garvey was referring to Moton's presence at the Scottish Churches Missionary Conference in Glasgow during October 1922, but Moton had been steered into representing African interests on other occasions, as delegate to the Peace Conference in Dec. 1918, and at the Lake Mohonk International Missionary Council Conference of 1921.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ See Christian Education in Africa: Conference at High Leigh, Hoddesdon, September 8–13, 1924 (Edinburgh House Press) to which Jones's memorandum is attached (E.H.).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Southern Workman (Hampton) LV (02 1926), 50.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Smith, E. W., Christian Mission in Africa: A Study based on the Proceedings of the International Conference at Le Zoute, Belgium, 14–21 09 1926 (London, 1926).Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Oldham, to Jones, , 11 1925 (E.H.).Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Smith, E. W., Christian Mission in Africa, 187–8.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ For Oldham's crucial part in the Hilton Young Commission to report on Closer Union in East Africa (cmd. 3234, 1929)), see Bennett, O., ‘Paramountcy to partnership’, 358–9.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Aggrey summed up his own tactics on race matters in his characteristic way, a month before leaving on the East African Phelps-Stokes Commission: ‘You can never beat prejudice by a frontal attack, because there is mere emotion at the root of it. ‘When there is emotion at the root of anything you cannot beat it by a frontal attack. Always flank it. You can catch more flies with molasses and sugar than you can with vinegar.’ (Aggrey's address to the Student Volunteer Movement in Stauffer, M. (ed.), Christian Students and World Problems (New York, 1924), 175.)Google Scholar

⁸² See correspondence with Leys at Edinburgh House.

⁸³ Oldham, leading articles on Kenya, The Times, 9 06 and so 06 1926;Google Scholar see also, Bennett, G., Kenya: A Political History (London, 1963), 58–9.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Oldham, , What is at Stake in East Africa, p. 12 (a pamphlet explaining his post-Hilton Young Commission convictions).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Oldham, , White and Black in Africa: a critisal examination of the Rhodes Lectures of General Smuts (London, 1930).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ After their earlier co-operation, relations between Leys and Oldham had deteriorated after the publication of Oldham's book on the race problem in 1924; and by 1926 they were carrying on a bitter correspondence in the national press on what Leys alleged were racist elements in the new Phelps-Stokes-influenced missionary policies in Africa. See, for example, Leys, N. M., letter to Manchester Guardian, 26 10 1926.Google ScholarOldham, J. H., letter to the Manchester Guardian, 26 10 1926;Google ScholarLeys, N. M., ‘Christianity and Race: A New Policy for Missions’, The Scots Observer (Glasgow), 1 (13 11 1926), 4;Google ScholarOldham, J. H., ‘African Education; Missions and Governments’, The Scots Observer, 11 12 1926, p. 73.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ See footnote 27 above.

⁸⁸ A. V. Murray, lecturer in the Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham, had subjected to considerable criticism the notion that what is good for the Negro in the Southern States is good for the African; see The School in the Bush (London, 1929), especially the chapter, ‘America in Africa’. On the relevance of the Phelps-Stokes emphasis in Africa, see further correspondence between Murray and Oldham in Oldham papers, presently with Kathleen Bliss.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ To Fraser the greatest danger of transferring the Hampton-Tuskegee methods to Africa was that their whole philosophy was restricted by the fact that their students had ‘the most meagre of political futures immediately before them’; the Africans, on the other hand, were ‘a race with the future political ball at their feet’, and must be accorded an education appropriate to that future. Fraser, A. G., Circular Letter, no. 61 (London), 31 07 1931, Winifred Holtby Papers, file 14, Hull Public Library, England.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Especially Jones, to Oldham, , 17 01 1930 (P.S.F.A.), shortly after Oldham had published his attack on Smuts: ‘… I feel considerable uncertainty as to some of your interpretations and forecasts. I am not as certain as you are as to the relationships of South Africa to East Africa. I do not share the extent of your anxiety with regard to the contacts of Europeans with the Native people. American experience strongly supports the advantages to the colored people of contacts with white people, despite all the difficulties that have attended such contacts. Nor do I share your rather drastic condemnation of South Africa…’Google Scholar

⁹¹ Advisory Committee on Education in the Colonies. Memorandum on the Education of African Communities (Colonial no. 103, 1935).Google Scholar

⁹² Some of the many philanthropic subventions to African education in which Oldham was intimately involved were: the Carnegie grants to the Jeanes Schools in East and Central Africa, totalling some $180,000; a Carnegie grant to support a psychologist at the Jeanes School in Kenya, to work on adapting textbooks for the African; Carnegie aid for an Educational Advisor to the Missions in Kenya and Uganda (some $16,000 over nine years); Rockefeller support (channelled through the Phelps-Stokes Fund) for delegates to the Le Zoute Conference on Christian Mission in Africa (see further in Edinburgh House files Oldham's part in the founding of the Institute of African Languages and Cultures), also the survey of Copperbelt social and industrial conditions in Merle Davis, J., Modern Industry and the African (London, 1933),Google Scholar made possible by the Phelps-Stokes Fund and the Carnegie Corporation; cf., also, Oldham, J. H., ‘Memorandum to the Carnegie Corporation on Rural Betterment in Africa’, 11 1932 (P.S.F.A.).Google Scholar Jones, Oldham and Dougall (when he was in America) worked very closely on the cultivation of Foundation support for their African plans; for Dougall's contribution, see Dougall, to Jones, , 25 04 1925 (P.S.F.A.);Google Scholar for Oldham's tactics on cultivating American contributions, see Oldham, to Jones, , 20 04 1925 (E.H.), particularly an assessment of his own role: ‘We want Anglo-American co-operation in African education as it grows to achieve certain large ends and we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that there are comparatively few of us who have had the kind of contacts on both sides of the Atlantic which makes it possible to achieve the larger ends which we have in view’.Google Scholar

⁹³ See passim, The Christian Mission in Relation to Rural Problems: Report of the Jerusalem Meeting of the International Missionary Council, 24 03 to 8 04 1928, VI (London, 1928),Google Scholar and especially Jones, T. J., ‘Factors of a programme for rural missions’, 88–99, therein.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Oldham, to Dougall, , 19 11 1932 (E.H.); It is significant that Jones played an important part in the foundation of this organization, and that R. R. Moton of Tuskegee was on the board of directors.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ For Oldham's role in negotiations with the Agricultural Missions Foundation and the Carnegie Corporation, see Oldham's correspondence with American Boards, presently in World Council Archives, Geneva.

⁹⁶ By 1945, ninety-three travel and study fellowships had been granted to missionaries from Africa. The phrase ‘the rural mind’, was commonly used in describing the objectives of this agricultural training for missionaries; see Oldham, to Keppel, 10 10 1933 (Oldham papers with Kathleen Bliss).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Barlow, A. R. to Gibson, B. D., 24 02 1926 (E.H.).Google Scholar Cf. Dougall's similar analysis of the main difficulty of his work in the Jeanes School, just two years after taking up his appointment: ‘the African himself is in some respects the biggest obstacle to the giving of the best kind of education in Africa’, in Dougall, J. W. C., ‘The training of visiting teachers for African village schools’, (1927), p. 5. (E.H.).Google Scholar For the wider context of African reaction to agricultural and industrial education, see, for instance, Foster, P. J., Education and Social Change in Ghana (London 1965),Google Scholar and Ade Ajayi, J. F., ‘The development of secondary grammar school education in Nigeria’, Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria, 11, 4 (12 1963), 517–35.Google Scholar