² The Fourth Jasmine Festival ran from 31 August to 6 September 2002 (9–15 Sharivar, 1381). The Jasmine Festival is an annual event held in conjunction with the birthday of Fatima, whose role as Mohammad's daughter, the wife of Ali and mother of Hasan and Hosein, make her an unparalleled female role model in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

³ Women's music festivals in Iran are often held either as stand-alone events in week-long series (like the annual Jasmine Festival which began in 1999) or as parts of larger mixed-gender national festivals, like the Fajr Festival (which began in 1986, but didn't start featuring women's sections until 1998). The past few years have seen the emergence of several women's music festivals, like the Festival of Women's Regional Music (which premiered in 2003) and the Lady of Paradise (Banu-ye behesht) Festival in 2005.

⁴ Many studies, like Milani's, Farzaneh Veils and Words: The Emerging Voices of Iranian Women Writers (New York, 1992)Google Scholar focus on women's literary expression, but similar research also exists in the visual arts. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, for instance, has not only analyzed these processes with regard to film, but is an active filmmaker herself. Also, Sharon Parker addresses the impact of gender constructs on the artwork of Iranian and Iranian-American artists in “Embodied Exile: Contemporary Iranian Women Artists and the Politics of Place” (PhD diss, University of Arizona, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁵ Exceptions to this include Sasan Fatemi's article in this issue and publications such as Maleki's, Tuka book Zanan-e musiqi-ye Iran: Az ostureh ta emruz (Tehran, 1380/2002)Google Scholar and Khaleqi's, Zohreh book Ava-ye mehrabani. Yadvareh-ye Qamar al-Moluk Vaziri (Tehran, 1373/1994)Google Scholar.

⁶ Women's choral singing in front of mixed-gender audiences or solo singing in front of female audiences is now commonplace and if practice is an indicator, government restrictions on women's solo vocal performances are easing. In select cases, women have performed vocal solos in front of audiences that were predominantly (but not exclusively) female, as was the case at the first Festival of Women's Regional Music in 2003 (personal communication, Ann Lucas, May 2005). Although it is true that women's solo vocal performance in front of mixed-gender audiences is officially banned and that women rarely sing extended solo passages in front of mixed-gender audiences, performers often push this envelope by interjecting short solo passages in group singing.

⁷ For a more detailed discussion of the state's control over all aspects of musical expression, please refer to Youssefzadeh's, Ameneh article “The Situation of Music in Iran Since the Revolution: The Role of Official Organizations,” British Journal of Ethnomusicology 9, no. 2 (2000): 35–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Throughout this paper, I emphasize the link between visual as well as aural expressions of gender, nation, and Islam. Although most of the examples I discuss are related to the Fourth Jasmine Festival, these same issues pertain not only to other women's music festivals, but also to other public, non-musical, venues as well.

⁹ These images are publicly displayed using not only photographs and posters, but include the paintings on multistory buildings that loom, larger than life, over the city streets of Tehran.

¹⁰ In this case the letters alef, beh, peh are recited. However, the same tune is often used to teach both the Persian and English alphabet.

¹¹ The visual and symbolic dominance of the patriarchal nation-state is not new to the Islamic Republic of Iran, but also typified the prior monarchy.

¹² In studies of film and related fields, the term “male gaze” is often used to denote the fact that the perspectives and techniques (including camera angle and the use of close up) employed in the visual arts often appeal to male dominated social and aesthetic systems. Here, I use the term to refer to the masculine perspective reflected in the choice and display of national symbols and the implicit assumption that viewing is a male privilege.

¹³ To be sure, these are not the only periods in recent Iranian history in which music and musicians have been stigmatized. Dominant social attitudes, often negative, towards music in pre-revolutionary Iran have been discussed in detail in several published sources which include: Khaleqi's, Ruhollah Sargozasht-e musiqi-ye Iran, 8^th ed. (Tehran, 1378–1380/2000–2002)Google Scholar and Nettl's, Bruno “Attitudes Towards Persian Music in Tehran, 1969,” The Musical Quarterly 56, no. 2 (1970): 183–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Bodily texts, or the learned, embodied behaviors that give meaning to social interaction and social systems, are crucial to national identity and individual and group memory (see for instance, Connerton's, Paul How Societies Remember [Cambridge, 1989]CrossRefGoogle Scholar). Although Connerton focuses on the French Revolution, the analytical issues he discusses apply directly to other phenomena like the 1979 revolution and women's musical practice in Iran.

¹⁵ Negative attitudes about dance account, in part, for frequent reminders to audiences, in women-only and mixed-gender contexts alike, that they are not allowed to dance along with the music played in concert halls like Talar Vahdat.

¹⁶ Anthony Shay describes this ambivalence towards dance as a kind of “Choreophobia” (Shay, Anthony, Choreophobia: Solo Improvised Dance in the Iranian World [Costa Mesa, California, 1999]Google Scholar).

Interestingly, one of the greatest points of contention between select audience members and musicians is the issue of “intentionally inappropriate” clapping during musical performances. While musicians and festival organizers may be irritated by “accidental” clapping (when audiences have mistaken a transition within a piece of music for the end of the said piece), it is audience members who intentionally clap along with the rhythm of a piece (oftentimes, despite festival organizers' specific requests that they remain silent) who are the most abhorred. Ironically, the disobedience of audience members who engage in this type of behavior usually stems not so much from their lack of appreciation for music or a desire to disrespect musicians; rather, it usually reflects their determination to express, physically and aurally, their appreciation of music in their own way, no matter the repercussions.

¹⁷ Although slightly outside of the purview of the topic at hand, video footage of the opening moments of Googoosh's first public concert (in Toronto in July 2000) since the 1979 revolution provides a poignant example of music's importance in individual and group memories and social identity. The crowd's powerful response at first seeing, then hearing the pop star Googoosh demonstrates the extent to which the latent bodily practices (especially those of singing and listening to music) are deeply intertwined with a wide range of extra-musical associations, including personal memories, historical phenomena, and symbolic meanings.

¹⁸ Afsaneh Najmabadi discusses this phenomenon in detail in The Story of the Daughters of Quchan: Gender and National Memory in Iranian History (New York, 1998)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ This is true for other festivals like the Festival of Women's Regional Music and the Lady of Paradise Festival.

²⁰ Formerly named after the tenth-century poet, Rudaki, the new name for this hall clearly evokes post-revolutionary concepts of nation and national unity.

²¹ For instance, one performer at the Fourth Jasmine Festival, Pari Zangeneh, was also popular before the 1979 revolution. She is one of few female vocalists to have a performance career under both governments and has performed at a many women's music festivals, including the Fajr festival.

²² Depending the holiday, events are held annually either according to the khorshidi (solar) or hejri (lunar) calendar (as would be the case with commemorations marking the 1979 revolution and Fatima's birthday respectively).

²³ Generally speaking, the treble clef in and of itself could be read as either a gendered or a gender-neutral symbol. In Western art music, the treble clef is usually reserved for singers (sopranos and altos who are almost exclusively female) and instrumentalists whose pitch range can be easily written in treble clef (as opposed to the instrumentalists and singers whose lower pitch ranges are conveyed in bass clef, or, less commonly, in the intermediary alto and tenor clefs). However, in Iran, musical notation that emphasizes melodic content is usually written only in treble clef, regardless of the actual pitch range at which the voice or instrument will perform.

²⁴ The left side of the ticket jacket features the central icon found on all promotional materials for the Fourth Jasmine Festival. This icon can be interpreted as both a jasmine flower and a treble clef. The table on the right side of the ticket jacket lists the date, time, and name of groups performing at the Fourth Jasmine Festival.

²⁵ The actual musical content of this specific festival is discussed in greater depth in DeBano, “Singing Against Silence.” Here, it is important to note that not only were Kurdish and Azeri groups represented, but that the works of Jewish musicians, and songs with explicitly Christian texts (like the Italian song “St. Lucia”) were performed at the Fourth Jasmine Festival.

²⁶ Others have complained that regardless of gender, pictures or footage of musicians are rarely publicized. While this may be true for men as well as women, this issue is particularly acute for the latter. Also, it should be noted here that while women rarely constitute the “public” face of music, within the more private spaces of music studios, instrument-making shops, and homes, portraits of female musicians are often prominently displayed. Likewise, the contributions and accomplishments of leading female musicians are well known and frequently recounted by musicians, male and female.

²⁷ The “group” promoted as “Pari Rokh” on the ticket holders for the Fourth Jasmine Festival consisted of two members—the famous vocalist Pari Zangeneh with piano accompanist.

²⁸ Although lacking visual representations, musical traditions and practices are often referenced in the group names, like Chehel Daf (forty daf) that performers choose.

²⁹ Although the situation has changed considerably in the past few years alone, a complaint commonly made by musicians and music aficionados alike was that even though national television might feature music, musical instruments were rarely shown and, in some cases, intentionally obscured.

³⁰ Many musicians, especially female musicians, choose not to use their real names, but rather, adopt stage names. Often, this choice is motivated by religious and social concerns. For further discussion of issues of gender and propriety vís-a-vís musical performance, the use of stage names, and related issues please refer to Chehabi, Houchang, “Voices Unveiled: Women Singers in Iran,” in Iran and Beyond: Essays in Middle Eastern History, edited by Matthee, Rudi and Baron, Beth (Costa Mesa, California, 2000), 151–166Google Scholar.

³¹ To perform at state-sponsored festivals, each performer is usually required to submit individual or group photos, recordings, a printed concert program, a transcription of lyrics, and transliteration and translation of all non-Persian lyrics.

³² For instance, at the Fourth Jasmine Festival, the gendered segregation of the musical performance space had several foreseeable and a few unintended effects. Because no males could be present in the concert hall, all of the male colleagues of the performers (many of whom were spouses or blood relatives) were unable to participate in the event. Also, because male sound engineers and stage hands working at the Fourth Jasmine Festival were only allowed into the hall for quick sound checks before the concert series began (and had to exit the hall before the general public entered, not to return until the concert had ended and the hall was empty), there were noticeable sound and staging problems throughout the concert series.

³³ The same is true for those who work at the concert hall. It was clear that some of the concert hall staff knew very little about music and would not have worked in musical venues that existed before 1979; however, they felt that their current positions were “respectable” and appreciated the opportunity to work in such a prestigious venue.

³⁴ Concert ticket prices usually average about 30,000 rial. Although these prices are affordable to many in the upper middle and upper class, they are prohibitive to many from lower classes.

³⁵ It is is important to note that with regard to holidays, musicians must constantly juggle the khorshidi and hejri calendars. For instance, both calendars must be taken into account when scheduling concerts. If musicians overlook potential conflicts in these calendar systems, like those rare times when Noruz (with its joyous celebrations of the Persian New Year) and Moharram (when the martyrdom of Hosein is mourned) overlap, the results can be disastrous. Interestingly, in 2002, the khorshidi and hejri calendars overlapped in such a way that observances of Fatima's birth date also fell on the birth date of the Ayatollah Khomeini. Perhaps because both commemorations are viewed as celebratory events, the Jasmine Music Festival was not negatively impacted by this twist of fate.

³⁶ Other important celebrations honoring women do exist, however, none are as important as Fatima's birthday. For instance, the holiday marking Zeinab's birthday is also quite important. On this holiday, also known as “Nurses Day,” celebratory events abound. Among these festivities are gatherings, featuring women's religious recitations and speeches, which are held in the women's section of mosques. However, there is no female figure in Islamic history who carries the same symbolic meaning and depth as Fatima [see Spellberg's, D. A. Politics, Gender, and the Islamic Past: The Legacy of 'A'isha bint Abi Bakr [New York, 1994]Google Scholar for further discussion of this issue).

³⁷ Female concert goers who liked early evening concerts often cited safety concerns as opposed to familial obligations as the reason for their preference. Many women I spoke to felt relatively comfortable taking public taxis home after early evening concerts and events, but expressed trepidation about riding in a taxi later at night and particularly alone. This fear was quite palpable despite the fact that registered [and thus, presumably relatively safe] taxi services can be hailed by phone. Certainly, men in Iran are frequent victims of robbery and physical assaults; however, women's fear of gendered violence are reinforced by the horrific crimes of the Meshadi taxi driver Sa'id Hana'i, who was convicted in 2002 and executed for the serial murder of at least sixteen women. Hana'i's victims were taxi passengers who he first raped, then strangled, and whose bodies he later dumped onto the city streets.

³⁸ This issue is discussed in greater detail in DeBano, “Singing Against Silence.”

³⁹ While some documentation exists of specific “women's” musical traditions in Iran and certain genres (lullabies for instance) are regarded as being “women's” music, musical repertoire in Iran is not usually considered explicitly gendered (however, it would be fair to say that in many musical traditions, performers, composers, and lyricists are predominantly male).

⁴⁰ Shadi Vatanparast, “A Look at Women, Music and the Fourth Annual Women's Yaas Music Festival,” Bad Jens: Iranian Feminist Newsletter, 6^th ed. (Azar 1381/December 2002), http://www.badjens.com/sixthedition/a4.htm (accessed March 2003).

⁴¹ From top to bottom, the information provided on the front side of this concert ticket is: the name of the featured groups on a particular evening (Chehel Daf and Golbang); the date (11/6/1381, or Tuesday, 11 Sharivar, 1381); the time (17:00); the price (30,000 rial); the row (2) and seat (11); and at the very bottom, the official name of the festival (the Fourth Jasmine Festival for Women [chaharomin-e jashnvareh gol-eh yas vizheh-ye banuvan]). The back side of the ticket enumerates seven rules of concert hall behavior which are discussed below.

⁴² There are handful of female employees at the front gate who monitor the women's entrance into the theater and frisk female audience members for cameras, sound recording devices, and weapons. However, it is men who watch over the central guard's station located in the front of the theater.

⁴³ This section title borrows from and implicitly references the book The Feminine Face of God: The Unfolding of the Sacred in Women by Anderson, Sherry Ruth and Hopkins, Patricia (New York, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ The Sixth Jasmine Music Festival took place between 7 and 13 August, 2004 (17–23 Mordad, 1383).

⁴⁵ Naghmeh Taqizadeh, “Opera Singer Gitti Khosravi in Iran,” http://www.tehranavenue.com/article.php?id=264 (2004, accessed 25/4/05).

⁴⁶ Some explain this absence by citing human capital theory, which implies that women's lower wages are the result of women's increased likelihood to take family time off of work, to have lower levels of training, and other traits which make them less desirable as workers, etc. What is often overlooked or underplayed, however, is the fact that gender socialization and the gendered division of labor exist in a symbiotic relationship. Thus, even if a female student was “serious” enough to pursue an education and career in a given field (in this case, music), gender stereotypes and norms often work effectively to curtail women's access to this career (a phenomenon that is clearly not isolated to Iranian contexts).

⁴⁷ The main creative process to which I am referring is that of musical composition. Of course, ideally, the interpretation and performance of music, especially Iranian art music, is typified by creativity and some degree of improvisation.

⁴⁸ “Women Musicians Hindered By Meager Facilities,” Iran Daily (28/5/2005) http://www.iran-daily.com/1384/2285/html/art.htm (accessed 25/6/05).

⁴⁹ This is a type of respect that is often voiced in terms of national pride and culture (but not necessarily rewarded in tangible social or monetary ways) and is often extended only to very specific traditions (like art music and, to some extent, regional traditions).

⁵⁰ See Jean During and Ameneh Youssefzadeh's articles in this issue and their discussion of this trend with regard to nationalism, aesthetics, and state agendas.

⁵¹ The presence and legalization of popular music is, in many ways, a concession to the burgeoning youth population in Iran and designed to counteract the import of popular musics produced in the diaspora. See Laudan Nooshin's article in this issue for further discussion of this phenomenon. Also, while popular music has been recently included at select venues like the Jasmine Festival (for instance, the Fifth Jasmine Festival in 2003 marked the very first time that popular music was featured at this festival), this is not necessarily the norm.

⁵² Vaziri, who opened the first music school for women in Iran, was allowed to do so only after first vouching for the propriety of the educational setting and ensuring that women's classes would include only those from “respectable families” and take place only in isolated rooms far away from male students. The information about Vaziri and his music school are taken from Khoshzamir's, Mojtaba dissertation Ali Naqi Vaziri and His Influence on Music and Music Education in Iran (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1979), 113–114Google Scholar.

⁵³ The dates for this festival were 27–29 July 2005 (5–7 mordad 1384).

⁵⁴ These themes of the “Lady of Paradise” festival were enumerated by Maryam Pouryami, General Director of the Women's Department of Tehran Municipality's Cultural Artistic Organization, in the article “Women's Music Festival Next Month,” Iran Daily (18/6/2005), http://www.iran-daily.com/1384/2301/html/art.htm#69816 (accessed 29/6/05).

⁵⁵ Regional groups often have distinctive dress styles and performance customs that immediately mark their regional and ethnic identities to those both inside and outside of a given tradition. For example, in the course of musical performance (and indeed, in daily practice), some Kurdish groups, whose music is directly linked to specific forms of Sufism, reverently kiss their instruments.

⁵⁶ Esfandiari, Haleh, Reconstructed Lives: Women and Iran's Islamic Revolution (Washington D.C., 1997), 167Google Scholar. Although this quote was excerpted from an interview that addressed more general social issues (not necessarily a specific musical phenomenon), the same viewpoints expressed above by the female lawyer “Nargess” were rearticulated in my informal discussions and interviews with Iranian musicians and music advocates. The lack of unity among musicians, often attributed to group politics and the “hyper-” individualism of Iranian society, are topics of repeated discussion and are often occasions for criticism, skepticism, and regret. It should be noted here, that “hyper-” individualism is rarely expressed explicitly, but within the highly ritualized social parameters of “ta'roof.”

⁵⁷ Women's music festivals in Iran often feature Iranian and Western art musics, regional musics, and, in a few cases, popular music.

⁵⁸ This can include dress or other forms of verbal and nonverbal social interaction.

⁵⁹ As noted earlier, the female performers showcased at national music festivals are often members of larger mixed-gender groups, groups that are in many cases led by men.

⁶⁰ Regardless of gender, these types of marginalization are experienced by all but the most elite musicians. However, as discussed throughout this article, for women, the intensity and impact of this marginalization can be much more profound.