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The search for order in a disorderly world: worldviews and prescriptive decision paradigms

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 May 2009

Miriam Steiner
Affiliation:
An analyst at Defense Systems Incorporated, McLean, Virginia.
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Abstract

All prescriptive decision-making epistemologies are rooted in worldviews. If the worldview assumptions of an epistemology are not congruent with the world in which decisions are to be made, that epistemology ought not to be granted prescriptive authority. The rationalistic wortdview is described in two versions, classic and modified, together with the prescriptive decision-making epistemologies that depend on them. The classic version is firmly grounded in the assumptions of the 18th century Enlightenment; the modified version is more pragmatic in orientation. Both emphasize order, clarity, empiricism, and logical analysis. An alternative, nonrationalistic worldview concerns itself with novelty, incongruity, intuition, and subjective awareness. Foreign-policy decision theorists routinely assume that the foreign-policy world contains a mixture of rationalistic and nonrationalistic elements but are reluctant to grant decision makers the intuitive and subjective capabilities that, together with logical thinking and empirical observation, are necessary to operate in such a world. This reluctance inhibits the development of a prescriptive decision-making epistemology suitable for a mixed world. Analytical psychology provides one avenue for exploring the prescriptive implications of a more comprehensive psychology. It is clear that in a world with important nonrationalistic elements, true rationality requires that nonrationalistic capabilities and skills be both appreciated and developed.

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Articles
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Copyright © The IO Foundation 1983

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References

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25. The same might be said of the decision makers that Etheredge, in A World of Men, studied. On the basis of a questionnaire study of 229 mid-level Foreign Service Officers, military officers, and domestic-policy specialists, he concludes that intuitive responses to ambiguous and uncertain decision situations are important sources of decisional error, and prescribes an increased commitment to rationality and hard facts. At the end of his study, however, Etheredge steps back from this narrowly rationalistic conception of intuition and asserts that the important question is “how to free a decision maker to bring all of his potential capabilities to bear on an issue, how to make empathy and intuition flexible rather than, as at present, locking in a man and restricting his processes of judgment and intuition” (p. 107).

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27. On the basis of problem-solving tasks presented to eleven different samples of collegeage subjects, Westcott found that individuals could be differentiated along two independent dimensions: the amount of information they required before attempting solutions to problems, and the success they had in solving the problems. Four extreme kinds of problem solvers were identifiable-the intuitive thinkers, who reached accurate conclusions on the basis of significantly less information than others required; the wild guessers, those who required very little information exposure before attempting to reach conclusions but who were singularly inaccurate in their conclusions; the careful, successful problem solvers, those who demanded a great deal of information and were highly successful in using it; and the cautious, careful failures, those who demanded excessive information but failed to use it adequately. Westcott concludedthat intuitive thinking (the ability to make maximum use of minimum information) is a valuable asset in situations in which adequate explicit information is just not available. See Westcott, , Psychology of Intuition1, pp. 100148Google Scholar.

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