A correct understanding of the dynamics and mechanisms that make it possible for a woman to become a victim of intra-family violence allows the necessary measures to be taken so that she can escape from the situation of victimization. Emilio C. Viano, President of the International Society of Criminology, defines the victim of an abuse as “any subject injured or that has suffered wrongdoing on the part of others, who perceives herself to be a victim, who shares the experience with others looking for help, assistance and compensation, who is recognized as a victim and who presumably is being helped by public, private or collective agencies/structures”. Before the birth of Anti-Violence Centers it was believed that the awareness of being a victim was the necessary condition for a woman to ask for help. Experience has shown that, in reality, it is the request for help that allows her to begin a process of awareness together with the operators in the Anti-Violence Centers. This reflection has led to the creation of a theoretical model called “The Circular Model of Victimization”. The aim of the research, and which is presented here, was to verify whether the Italian Anti-Violence Centers recognize the Circular Model in the daily operational reality, and thus to ascertain whether this model can be considered a real empirical model, as well as a theoretical explanatory model. In conclusion, the revisited Circular Model of Victimization will be presented, in which it is assumed that the way out of the circuit of violence passes from a first moment of perception of victimization to arrive at a real awareness of the same.

Domestic homicide is the most serious type of violence in a marital relationship, which is punishable by the death penalty as retaliation (Qisas) according to the Penal Code of Iran. The present paper analyzes why a woman commits this crime (the killing of her husband), examining the killer’s status in a marital relationship. Data show that the killers had been victims of domestic violence for 10–25 years. In other words, domestic homicide has a direct relationship with the killer being victimized by domestic violence, including physical (assault and battery), mental (insult and obscenity), sexual and sometimes financial violence that may result from addiction. The most important reason for domestic homicide is the failure to provide legal and social protection for women. This incites hatred for the husband, which arises from repeated victimization in a coercive relationship with the husband. These women cannot end this coercive relationship because of insufficient or unavailable legal, social or family protection. Moreover, the process of divorce for a woman in Iran is quite complex. This article also examines the potential defense of mental capacity and self-defense and its place in the Iranian penal code. Based on this research, this article argues for the need for the legislature to review the death penalty for this kind of crime and to consider other possible responses to such murders.

Multiple countries have investigated and prosecuted the perpetrators of crimes committed during the Red Terror in Ethiopia. In bringing the perpetrators to account, each country adopted a unique approach, resulting in a variation in the situation’s legal characterization. The charges against the Red Terror perpetrators in the U.S. were based on violations of immigration laws, while the perpetrators in Ethiopia were charged and convicted of the crime of genocide. In contrast, one suspect, who had already been convicted of genocide by the Ethiopian High Court, has recently been convicted of war crimes by the Hague District Court, the Netherlands. The article investigates whether the Red Terror crimes constitute war crimes, genocide, or crimes against humanity. Accordingly, this analysis shows that while countries have used genocide or war crimes when prosecuting crimes perpetrated during the Red Terror, the best fit to the situation’s legal characterization would be crimes against humanity.

Bangladesh is experiencing an epidemic of child rape. Discrimination based on patriarchal philosophies, inadequate rape laws, inadequate policies to address child rape, a conservative criminal justice system, and a conventional judicial environment has culminated in injustice for victims. Laws exist that require severe punishments; however, child rape has not been satisfactorily prevented. Societal norms, stigma, political pressure, money, power, and the critical process of the justice system make it extraordinarily difficult for victims to receive justice. This article describes the reasons why men rape children, including offenders’ psychological conditions and the advantages that men have over the weaker in the criminal justice system, enjoying impunity. While attempting to understand the reasons broadly, statistical data show that the reporting of such crimes has been increasing, but this does not genuinely represent the actual number of crimes committed. The article focuses on social phenomena associated with child rape culture and identifies reasons why crimes are not reported. An in-depth discussion of inappropriate laws for child rape and of the loopholes in these laws demonstrates the hardship that victims face in their fight for justice. Finally, social and legal recommendations for the prevention of child rape are highlighted.

Intimate partner homicides are often described as “passionate crimes”. While most sentencing studies focus on the analysis of the impact of specific characteristics of the offender, victim or the crime in sentencing, this study aims to analyse how “passionate crimes” are described in the Portuguese Supreme Court of Justice outcomes. From a qualitative analysis of 24 sentences, it is possible to conclude that passion is often related to jealousy, describing out-of-control offenders, arguments about cold-minded actions versus premeditated actions, and when describing prevention needs involved in sentencing these crimes. The defence often raises arguments minimising the gravity of the homicide due to strong “passion” emotion, but the Supreme Court of Justice has been declining most of them. The fact that most of these crimes are premeditated and actions happen with a “cold mind” also inhibits the “hot-blooded” “passionate” excuse for the crime. Results suggest that the Supreme Court of Justice is increasingly concerned about the necessity of preventing intimate partner homicides given its gravity and social impact.

Increasing female involvement in violent crime is a concern in Nigeria; still, it is unclear what informs this sudden surge in a society that supposedly socializes feminine gender to be soft, caring, and compassionate. This article explores the sociological profiles of women involved in armed robbery, drawing case examples from 32 convicts in a Nigerian female penitentiary. It was found that women were made susceptible to deviance by some social factors such as familial variables, neighborhood characteristics, gender discrimination, neglect, and violence. Both primary and secondary social groups were found to be major facilitators in the initiation into crime, development of criminal career, entry into armed robbery, and maintenance of life as a robber. This article concludes that gender-based inequality in all social facets and the unfavorable socio-economic conditions in Nigeria increase the vulnerability of women to be recruited into criminality. A revival of the family institution, gender-neutral parenting, government’s intervention for improvement of socio-economic wellbeing, and gender education are suggested.

As of 2019, there were 940 hate groups known to be active in the United States. Previous examinations of hate groups have assumed formation. This paper uses simulation modeling to test Weber’s 1947 socio-political theory of charismatic leadership. Simulation modeling creates a computer simulation that simplifies people and their interactions to mimic a real-world event or phenomena. Three models of hate group formation were created to test this theory. These experiments test the importance of personal and societal levels of hate in group formation and the influence of charismatic leadership. These experiments also tested hypotheses regarding the number of groups that form, the speed of formation, and group size. Data were collected from 13,000 model iterations to test these hypotheses. All models successfully generated hate groups. Hate groups formed at all levels of societal hate. An in-depth understanding of how hate groups form may assist in slowing the proliferation of these groups and decreasing their appeal.

In the recent past, the #MeToo movement has shaken India. A docket of high-flying names, from politicians to celebrities and journalists, have come under scrutiny for alleged sexual abuse of women. Flagged by a Bollywood actress, the #MeToo campaign in India ignited feminists, academicians, and policymakers to re-examine women’s continued abuse in all sections of society. Despite a stringent legal regime enforced after the Nirbhaya tragedy, the abuse of women continues unabated. Feminists opine that violence against women remains an ongoing concern that is heightened in the face of a waning criminal justice system that fails to address their plight. Lack of confidence in the system discourages women from approaching the authorities, something palpable in #MeToo allegations, where women preferred to remain silent in the face of inevitable backlash from society, lack of support and cooperation from police and prosecution and finally, courts, where the victim is positioned as the accused to respond to questions of how and why? This article examines the #MeToo movement against the rising crime graph’s backdrop and the criminal justice system’s consequent failure to respond to the same.

Since the tragedy of September 11, 2001 (9/11) there have been a growing awareness and recognition of the expanding threat presented by the transmutation and convergence of international organized crime and terrorist groups. There is a semantic debate on whether these organizations are “converging” or “transforming.” Regardless, this worrisome development is complicated and progressively difficult to combat and calls for law enforcement, intelligence and military interventions. While the United States and other countries have been dealing with the post-9/11 world of persistent problems like Iraq, Afghanistan, al Qaeda, “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS), Syria, and more, the links between organized crime and terrorism could prolong these challenges and generate further disruptions and menace to global security and development. There are strong operational needs and requirements that bring organized crime and terrorists together for collaboration and even seamless transitions within the same general operation. However, there are substantial hurdles that make a total teamwork between the two groups not so easily achievable. For example, organized crime normally avoids the publicity and the indiscriminate killings often used by terrorists. However, it is clear that the merging of international organized crime and terrorist groups is growing and presents unique challenges and opportunities. This paper examines this ongoing transmutation, convergence and cooperation between transnational organized crime and terrorism, and offers examples and recommendations on how to prevent it and defeat it.

Growing research indicates that police legitimacy is a strong predictor of whether people behave respecting or violating rules. Perceptions of legitimacy are an output of socializing processes through which individuals develop their values and orientations toward authorities and the legal system. Legal socialization studies show that encounters with legal authorities are critical “teachable moments” in this process. The present study verifies whether direct or vicarious negative contacts with police officers affect changes in the perception of the legitimacy of police authority by adolescents over time. The adolescents were classified according to whether or not they had witnessed or experienced any negative contact or experience with the police during the period before the interview, composing two group trajectories at the first wave, four at the second wave, and eight at the third wave. Then the trajectories were compared in terms of the extent to which they agree with statements about police legitimacy, allowing the quantification of changes of opinion after negative contacts with the police. Results show that three main factors diminish the perception of police legitimacy: having negative contact with the police; having more than one negative contact; and having a recent negative contact. These findings have important implications for police patrolling and approach strategies.

Within the past two decades, body-worn cameras (BWCs) have developed as an evidentiary tool to determine the outcomes of contentious police–citizen contacts as well as a method of enhancing the accountability of both groups. While there have been numerous studies conducted on BWCs, the research has focused primarily on police officer perceptions and follow-up analyses of their usage subsequent to implementation and/or during controlled, randomized trials. However, there is a dearth of academic literature on police union members’ perceptions of BWC technology prior to implementation within their departments. This article contributes to the body of literature on BWCs by providing an analysis of data on the attitudes and perceptions towards the implementation of BWC technology into the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service that were collected from Central Committee representatives of the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service Social and Welfare Association, the representative body for police officers of the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service. The findings indicate that the respondents were generally amenable to the introduction and implementation of BWCs into the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service; however, this is premised on a phased implementation preceded by a controlled trial of the BWCs, as well as the creation of internal policies prior to implementation.

Witchcraft-triggered violence is widespread in contemporary African societies. This study establishes the magnitude and identifies the principal features, motivations and socio-cultural contexts of witchcraft-driven mistreatment of children and older women in Ghana. It achieves this aim by embarking on an in-depth analysis of cases of witchcraft-related abuse publicised in three renowned local Ghanaian media outlets between 2014 and 2020 and comparing the results with the findings of extant empirical studies. The data support the view that witchcraft-fuelled abuse is endemic in Ghana, and the worst victims are children and older women of low socio-economic background. It demonstrates that the commonest forms of mistreatment and violence resulting from belief in witchcraft are murder and torture (perpetrated with various weapons/tools), forcible confinement and enslavement, neglect and child labour. The most dominant motivations for such violations are the suspicion that the alleged witches are responsible for family or community members’ death or illness and the supposed victims’ economic or financial predicament. The study stresses the need to criminalise witchcraft accusations and bring pastors and traditional spiritualists under closer scrutiny since many witchcraft allegations and the ensuing persecutions are largely encouraged by their dubious activities.

Music plays an important role in both the right-wing extremist and the Salafi jihadist scenes as a unifying and radicalizing factor. It is used to share propaganda and highlight specific ideologies. Music is disseminated by various means, e.g. via social media, and used strategically to attract potential new members. The aims of right-wing extremist music and the Salafi jihadist nasheeds are, among other things, to inspire the youth, reach out to a worldwide audience of potential sympathizers, and disseminate their absolutist worldview. To achieve these goals, seemingly objective depictions of negative everyday experiences, of oppression, and the need for resistance are utilized. The songs are usually associated with violent content, and in conjunction with videos, they illustrate the perceived need to defend oneself. In this article, we will take a closer look at the content of four selected extremist songs. Our analysis of the content is based on a triangulation of sequential text analysis methods and identifies the differences and comparable elements of the ideologies in a final step. In addition to the content, the research aims to examine the possible effects of extremist groups’ music.

In recent years, transit routes in Vietnam for drug trafficking networks in the Southeast Asia region and beyond have expanded considerably. Many international scholars are working on identifying destination and transit routes of drug trafficking entities “to and through” Vietnam. Among these routes, the crossings through the Vietnam–Laos borderland of about 2,340 km are among the most severe concerns. This article analyses supply-and-demand scales of illicit drugs in Vietnam from 2008 to 2017 within the context of illegal drug trafficking in the mainland Southeast Asian region. Some evidence consistent with the “destination and transit route” arguments were found through mapping three main ways across the Vietnam–Laos borderland. The article also calls for enhancing the bilateral cooperation among law enforcement agencies to prevent and combat drug trafficking from the two sides.