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“Apocalyptic Sectarianism”: The Theology at Work in Critiques of Catholic Radicals

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 March 2013

Benjamin Peters
Affiliation:
University of Saint Joseph

Abstract

This article examines contemporary critiques of Dorothy Day and other Catholic radicals that portray them as world-denying sectarians. Such critiques are then traced back to earlier ones made against American Catholic radicals during the years surrounding World War II, suggesting that all of these critiques stem from important shared theological claims held by both contemporary critics and their neo-Thomists predecessors. But such depictions are a caricature of the radical Christianity put forth by Day and others. I argue that far from denigrating human nature and history, Day and other radicals sought engagement with American society and culture that was neither an outright rejection nor a blanket affirmation. Rather, it was a form of ongoing and critical engagement in light of one's ultimate destiny. Thus Catholic radicals present an approach to social engagement which seeks to discern what is holy in American life and to perfect or abandon what is not.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The College Theology Society 2012

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References

1 O'Brien, David, “The Pilgrimage of Dorothy Day,” Commonweal, December 19, 1980, 1115Google Scholar. O'Brien has half-jokingly remarked that in all his significant body of scholarship, this sentence is perhaps the most frequently cited.

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9 Weigel wrote that Day “believed that the radicalism of love ignores time, and thus the world's demands in history—even under Hitler” (ibid., 151).

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16 Ibid., 70.

17 Ibid., 76.

18 To support and justify this claim, Heyer quotes Curran: “traditional Catholic theology and ecclesiology cannot be consistently radical” (ibid., 90; italics added).

19 Ibid., 59.

20 Gaillardetz also includes David Schindler and John Milbank in this group. See Gaillardetz, Richard, “Ecclesiological Foundations of Modern Catholic Social Teaching,” in Modern Catholic Social Teaching: Commentaries and Interpretations, ed. Himes, Kenneth R. (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press 2004), [7298Google Scholar, at 77.

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27 Himes, , Fullness of Faith, 84Google Scholar; Heyer, Prophetic & Public, xix.

28 For instance, Rahner described the Church's preaching as “the awakening and making explicit what is already there in the depths of man, not by nature but by grace” (Rahner, Karl, Nature and Grace: Dilemmas in the Modern Church, trans. Wharton, Dinah [New York: Sheed and Ward, 1964], 134Google Scholar).

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36 Ibid., 186.

37 Heyer, (Prophetic & Public, 64)Google Scholar suggests that J. Bryan Hehir represented this “incarnational humanist” approach.

38 This helpful definition of the “two-tiered” approach to nature and grace is from Bauerschmidt, Frederick Christian, “Confessions of an Evangelical Catholic: Five Theses Related to Theological Anthropology,” Communio 31 (Spring 2004): 6784Google Scholar, at 70. It should be noted, though, that a growing number of scholars are attempting to nuance claims of the degree to which this dualism existed in Catholic theology. See, e.g., McInerny, Ralph, Praeambula fidei: Thomism and the God of the Philosophers (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Feingold, Lawrence, The Natural Desire to See God According to St. Thomas Aquinas and His Interpreters (Ave Maria, FL: Sapientia Press, 2010)Google Scholar. For more on these scholars, see Portier, William L., “Thomist ResurgenceCommunio 35 (Fall 2008): 494504Google Scholar.

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41 See Furfey, Paul Hanly, Fire on the Earth (New York: Macmillan Company, 1943)Google Scholar. This was one of the main themes of the Hugo retreat which was embraced by Day and other Catholic Workers in the 1940s and 1950s.

42 Day, Dorothy, The Long Loneliness (New York: Harper & Row, 1952)Google Scholar.

43 For a discussion of the efforts at ressourcement made by American Catholic radicals to justify their theology within the Christian tradition, particularly among earlymodern spiritual writers, see Peters, Benjamin, “John Hugo and an American Catholic Theology of Nature and Grace” (Ph.D. diss., University of Dayton, 2011)Google Scholar.

44 For descriptions of the effect this once dominant theological per spective had on American Catholicism at the time, see Gleason, Philip, Contending with Modernity: Catholic Higher Education in the Twentieth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Halsey, William, The Survival of American Innocence: Catholicismin the Era of Disillusionment, 1920-1940 (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1980)Google Scholar.

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49 Connor described one of these positions as arguing for the impossibility of a modern just war, while the other stance held that World War II in particular did not meet the just-war criteria (ibid, 130–35).

50 Ibid., 136.

51 Connor pointed out (ibid., 127) that adherents of this position often cited “ecclesiastical supporters” such as German exiled theologian Franziscus Stratmann, OP, British theologians Gerald Vann, OP and W.E. Orchard, and Catholic University of America faculty members Msgr. Barry O'Toole and John K. Ryan, SJ. However, after the start of World War II only Orchard still wrote in defense of this position in The Catholic Worker.

52 Ibid., 129.

53 Ibid., 130.

54 Ibid., 136.

55 Molinos was a Spanish priest who promoted an exaggerated form of quiet prayer or acquired contemplation which could lead to a state of pure love. Some of Molinos' followers claimed that once in this state, a person no longer needed the sacraments and did not have the resist the temptation to sin. In 1687, Pope Innocent XI censured sixty-eight propositions from Molinos' writings in the bull Coelestis Pastor. For a concise and helpful account of this controversy and its long legacy, see Portier, William L. and Talar, C.J.T., “The Mystical Element of the Modernist Crisis,” in Modernists & Mystics, ed. Talar, C.J.T. (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2009), 122Google Scholar.

56 For an account of the long-ranging ramifications that the relatively isolated seventeenth-century controversy surrounding Quietism in France had on Catholictheology as a whole, see de Certeau, Michel, The Mystic Fable, volume 1: The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, trans. Smith, Michael B. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

57 For a broader discussion of the political implications of this two-tiered theology and its critics, see Bernardi, Peter, Maurice Blondel, Social Catholicism, & Action Française (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

58 See Hugo, John, Nature and the Supernatural: A Defense of the Evangelical Ideal (duplicated by the author, 1949)Google Scholar.

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60 Bauerschmidt, , “Confessions of an Evangelical Catholic,” 77Google Scholar.

61 T.C. O'Brien, OP, a translator and editor of the Blackfriars edition of the Summa theologiae, described this inherent insufficiency as an “innate defectibility” which Aquinas recognized as stemming from human nature's “composition.” O'Brien explained that for Aquinas, the loss of the supernatural gift of original justice which resulted from the fall left human nature to “itself, but forlorn.” See Aquinas, Thomas, Summa theologiae [ST], vol. 26 [1a2ae. 8185]Google Scholar, Original Sin, trans. O'Brien, T.C. (London: Eyer & Spottiswoode/New York: McGraw, 1965), 157–58Google Scholar [= the Blackfriars edition].

62 For an historical summary of how these various distinctions of grace have been understood within the tradition, see Lonergan, Bernard SJ, Grace and Freedom (New York: Herder and Herder, 1971)Google Scholar.

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72 Rahner described this need that marks human nature: “We can only fully understand man in his ‘undefinable’ essence if we see him as potentia obedienialis for the divine life; this is his nature. His nature is such that its absolute fulfillment comes through grace, and so nature of itself must reckon with the meaningful possibility of remaining without absolute fulfillment” (Rahner, Karl, Nature and Grace, trans. Wharton, Dinah [New York: Sheed and Ward, 1964], 140Google Scholar).

73 Baxter, Michael, “Notes on Catholic Americanism and Catholic Radicalism: Toward a Counter-Tradition of Catholic Social Ethics,” in American Catholic Traditions: Resources for Renewal, ed. Mize, Sandra Yocum and Portier, William, College Theology Society Annual Volume 42 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1997), 5371Google Scholar, at 64.

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75 At various points in her story, Day noted the suicides and depression within radical community following the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti in 1927. See especially the end of Part I.

76 Ibid., 63.

78 Ibid., 116.

79 Ibid., 148.

80 Ibid., 138.

81 Ibid., 132.

82 Ibid., 116. “I have always felt that it was life with him [Forster] that brought me natural happiness, that brought me to God” (ibid., 134).

83 She wrote, “To become a Catholic meant for me to give up a mate with whom I was much in love. It got to the point where it was a simple question of whether I chose God or man” (ibid, 145).

84 Ibid., 256.

85 Mize, Sandra Yocum, “‘We Are Still Pacifists': Dorothy Day's Pacifism During World War II,” in Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement: Centenary Essays, ed. Thorn, William, Runkel, Phillip, and Mountin, Susan, Marquette Studies in Theology (Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 2001), 465–73Google Scholar, at 472.

86 Day wrote that she preferred the term “libertarian” as less offensive than “anarchist” (The Long Loneliness, 267).

87 Ibid., 256.

88 Parente, Pascal, “Nature and Grace in Ascetical Theology,” American Ecclesiastical Review 137 (1943): 430–37Google Scholar; Connell, Francis J., “Review of Applied Christianity, by John J. Hugo,” American Ecclesiastical Review 139 (1945): 6972Google Scholar; Fenton, Joseph Clifford, “Nature and the Supernatural Life,” American Ecclesiastical Review 140 (1946): 5468Google Scholar. Hugo replied to these critiques in Nature and the Supernatural: A Defense of the Evangelic Ideal (published by the author, 1949).

89 Hugo, , “Catholics Can Be Conscientious Objectors,” The Catholic Worker, May 1943Google Scholar. The second part of this article appeared in the June 1943 edition of The Catholic Worker.

90 Hugo articulated the theological vision of the retreat in Applied Christianity (New York: The Catholic Worker Press, 1944)Google Scholar. For more on Hugo and the retreat, see Peters, Benjamin, “Nature and Grace in the Theology of John Hugo,” in God, Grace & Creation, ed. Rossi, Philip, College Theology Society Annual Volume 55 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2010): 5978Google Scholar; and Downey, Jack, “The Strong Meat of the Gospel: ‘Lacouturisme’ and the Revival of Ascetism in North America,” American Catholic Studies 122/4 (Winter 2011):122Google Scholar. Brigid O'Shea Merriman also has an excellent chapter on the retreat movement in Searching for Christ: The Spirituality of Dorothy Day (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994), 131–69Google Scholar.

91 Day, , The Long Loneliness, 250Google Scholar.