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The Patronage Dilemma: Allison Davis's Odyssey from Fellow to Faculty

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 November 2020

Abstract

This article analyzes the role of the Julius Rosenwald Fund in shaping the career of W. Allison Davis, a distinguished anthropologist who became the first African American appointed to the faculty of a mostly white university. From 1928 to 1948, the Rosenwald Fund ran an expansive fellowship program for African American intellectuals, which, despite its significance, remains largely unexamined in the scholarly literature. Davis tied his academic aspirations to Rosenwald Fund support, including for his early research and the terms of his faculty appointment. His experiences illustrate the dynamics inclusion and exclusion of African Americans in the academy; paternalistic promotion and strategic denial functioned as two sides of the same coin. Spotlighting Davis's negotiations, this article establishes how presumptions of racial inferiority guided Rosenwald patronage and demonstrates the extent to which the principles of meritocracy and expertise remained secondary concerns for those interested in cultivating African American intellectuals.

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Articles
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Copyright © 2020 History of Education Society

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References

1 Anderson, James D., “Race, Meritocracy, and the American Academy during the Immediate Post-World War II Era,” History of Education Quarterly 33, no. 2 (Summer 1993), 154Google Scholar; Davis, Allison, Gardner, Burleigh B., Gardner, Mary R., Deep South: A Social Anthropological Study of Caste and Class (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941)Google Scholar; and Davis, Allison and Dollard, John, Children of Bondage: The Personality Development of Negro Youth in the Urban South (Washington, DC: American Council on Education, 1940)Google Scholar. For examples of work influenced by the caste-and-class school, see Dollard, John, Caste and Class in a Southern Town (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1937)Google Scholar; Powdermaker, Hortense, After Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (New York: Viking Press, 1939)Google Scholar; and Gunnar Myrdal's classic study of race relations, An American Dilemma (New Brunswick, NJ: Harper & Brothers, 1944).

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17 Holloway, Confronting the Veil, 37.

18 Holloway and Keppel, Black Scholars on the Line, 7-8.

19 Louise A. Thompson to W. E. B. Du Bois, Oct. 17, 1927, quoted in Wolters, The New Negro on Campus, 271-72.

20 For a detailed discussion of Davis's decision to study anthropology, see Varel, Lost Black Scholar, 62-64.

21 For opposing interpretations of the Rosenwald school-building program, see Deutsch, Stephanie, You Need a Schoolhouse: Booker T. Washington, Julius Rosenwald, and the Building of Schools for the Segregated South (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2011)Google Scholar; and Anderson, Education of Blacks in the South, 152-184.

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24 Unlike the future Rosenwald Fund Fellowships, the GEB Fellowships were granted to cultivate personnel who could carry out programs for the GEB and its affiliate institutions. See, for example, Blanton, Carlos Kevin, George Sánchez: The Long Fight for Mexican American Integration (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 31-33Google Scholar.

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29 For example, “Students of man have a number of traits by which they measure physical differences and classify races: body height, relative to length of legs, length and width of head, skin color, width of nostrils, thickness of lips. . . . Studies and measurements of sample Negro groups in various parts of the country show that the American Negroes today are as uniform as any typical race of mixed ancestry, such for instance as the Japanese or the Anglo-Saxon,” Embree, Brown America, 10.

30 The idea that racial contact inevitably resulted in conflict had deep roots in the American social sciences. McKee, James B., Sociology and the Race Problem: The Failure of a Perspective (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 103-44, 158-65Google Scholar; and Morris, The Scholar Denied, 112-18.

31 In 1932, Embree published a book defending the application of eugenic social science to social problems. Embree, Edwin Rogers, Prospecting for Heaven: Some Conversations about Science and the Good Life (New York: Viking, 1932)Google Scholar.

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33 The full board met twice per year. The majority of decisions were made in the interim by the board's executive committee. Perkins, Edwin Rogers Embree, 82.

34 Robert S. Lynd to Edwin R. Embree, April 13, 1929, folder 2, box 346, Julius Rosenwald Fund Archives, Special Collections and Archives, John Hope and Aurelia E. Franklin Library, Fisk University, Nashville, TN (hereafter cited as Rosenwald Fund Archives).

35 Edwin R. Embree to Robert S. Lynd, April 23, 1929, folder 2, box 346, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

36 “Southern Fellowships, 1930-1933,” Minutes, March 24, 1932, Committee on Southern Fellowship, folder 1315, box 218, SSRC Archives; see also “Fellowships Granted–Social Science Research Council, 1931-1948,” folder 1, box 449, Rosenwald Fund Archives; and Marybeth Gasman, “W. E. B. Du Bois and Charles S. Johnson: Differing Views on the Role of Philanthropy in Higher Education,” History of Education Quarterly 42, no. 4 (Winter 2002), 502-503. Isabel Wilkerson argues that the publication of one of Davis's monographs, Deep South, was delayed for years because of Johnson. Wilkerson, Isabel, “On the Early Front Lines of Caste,” in Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents (New York: Penguin Random House, 2020), 245-56Google Scholar.

37 Varel, Lost Black Scholar, 72. For a summary of structural functionalism and the “Yankee City” project, see Hays, H. R., From Ape to Angel: An Informal History of Social Anthropology (New York: Knopf, 1958), 372-76Google Scholar.

38 Allison W. Davis to Edwin R. Embree, Nov. 30, 1931, folder 5, box 406, Rosenwald Fund Archives. For more on the debate over the influence of African culture on African American life, see Frazier, E. Franklin, The Negro Family in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939)Google Scholar; and Herskovits, Melville, The Myth of the Negro Past (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1941)Google Scholar.

39 Boas replied that Davis would probably receive the best training in Berlin. George R. Arthur to Franz Boas, Jan. 12, 1932, and Franz Boas to George R. Arthur, Jan. 15, 1932, folder 5, box 406, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

40 Allison Davis, “The Distribution of the Blood-Groups and Its Bearing on the Concept of Race,” Sociological Review 27a, no. 1 (Jan. 1935), 19-34. For more on this work, see Varel, Lost Black Scholar, 81.

41 The importance of class analysis to Davis's work is omitted here because it is thoroughly discussed in the literature. See Varel, Lost Black Scholar, 7-8.

42 Burleigh Gardner, afterword to Davis, Gardner, and Gardner, Deep South, 563-65; and Bond, “A Social Portrait of John Gibbs St. Clair Drake,” 772.

43 St. Clair Drake Fellowship File, folder 1, box 409, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

44 Bond, “A Social Portrait of John Gibbs St. Clair Drake,” 780.

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48 W. Lloyd Warner, introduction to Davis, Gardner, and Gardner, Deep South, 11.

49 Warner, introduction, 12.

50 The social anthropological caste-and-class framework associated with W. Lloyd Warner offered an alternative to the Chicago School's view of lower-class culture by emphasizing coherence and stability as opposed to disorganization. O'Connor, Poverty Knowledge, 64. For more on Robert Park and the Chicago School, see Morris, The Scholar Denied, 112-18.

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52 Warner, introduction, 14, 15.

53 Despite Davis's role in devising the caste-and-class framework and the fact that he applied it in a more nuanced way than his mentors and peers, other scholars, such as John Dollard and Hortense Powdermaker, are often cited as the major proponents of the theory instead of Davis.

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57 Allison Davis Fellowship File, folder 5, box 406, Rosenwald Fund Archives. The fund invested over $1 million in Dillard University. Embree and Waxman, Investment in People, 98-106, 268.

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59 Allison Davis to Horace M. Bond, May 17, 1935, folder 56, box 10, Horace Mann Bond Papers, Special Collections and University Archives, University of Massachusetts Amherst Libraries, Amherst, MA (hereafter cited as Bond Papers).

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63 Floyd W. Reeves, “The Program of the American Youth Commission,” High School Journal 23, no. 3 (March 1940), 101-105.

64 For more on Alexander and the planning of the AYC studies, see Scott, Daryl, Contempt and Pity: Social Policy and the Image of the Damaged Black Psyche, 1880-1996 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 66-68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Quoted in Varel, Lost Black Scholar, 112.

66 The AYC also commissioned W. Lloyd Warner, E. Franklin Frazier, and Charles S. Johnson to conduct studies for the series. Scott, Contempt and Pity, 35-36.

67 Allison Davis Fellowship File, folder 5, box 406, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

68 “W. Allison Davis” fellowship notes, n.d., folder 3, box 376, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

69 For more on Redfield's influence on Davis, see Varel, Lost Black Scholar, 138-39.

70 Henry Allen Moe to Edwin R. Embree, Nov. 23, 1940, folder 5, box 406, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

71 Edwin R. Embree to Henry Allen Moe, Dec. 3, 1940, folder 5, box 406, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

72 Edwin R. Embree to Ralph Bunche, July 9, 1941, folder 5, box 398, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

73 Carter G. Woodson to Edwin R. Embree, April 8, 1936, folder 8, box 170, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

74 Loren Miller, “Mail Order Dictatorship,” New Masses 95 (April 16, 1935), 10-12.

75 George Schuyler, “View and Reviews,” Pittsburgh (PA) Courier, April 11, 1936, 12.

76 On how Embree's thinking regarding race changed over the course of the 1930s, compare editions of Brown Americans: Embree, Edwin R., Brown Americans: The Story of a New Race (New York: Viking, 1931)Google Scholar and Embree, Edwin R., Brown Americans: The Story of a Tenth of the Nation (New York: Viking Press, 1943)Google Scholar.

77 The social science appendix to the plaintiff brief in the landmark 1954 Brown v. Board of Education case, which Davis signed along with thirty-five other leading social scientists, also utilized data from Davis, Gardner, and Gardner, Deep South. Drake, St. Clair, “In the Mirror of Black Scholarship: W. Allison Davis and Deep South,” in Education and Black Struggle: Notes from the Colonized World, ed. Institute of the Black World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Review, 1974), 53-54Google Scholar.

78 For more on the changing racial climate precipitated by World War II, see Varel, Lost Black Scholar, 135-36.

79 Although it was becoming increasingly conventional for academics to hold PhDs, it was by no means a standard requirement, even at the most prestigious institutions.

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81 Embree and Waxman, Investment in People, 278.

82 Alfred Stern to Edwin R. Embree, Feb. 10, 1942, folder 6, box 182, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

83 Varel, Lost Black Scholar, 140.

84 Alfred Stern to Edwin R. Embree, Feb. 10, 1942, folder 6, box 182, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

85 Edwin R. Embree to Alfred Stern, Feb. 24, 1942, folder 6, box 182, Rosenwald Fund Archives. For more on foundations as engines of change, see Reich, Rob, “On the Role of Foundations in Democracies,” in Philanthropy in Democratic Societies: Origins, Institutions, Values, ed. Reich, Rob, Bernholz, Lucy, and Cordelli, Chiara (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), 64-81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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87 Robert Hutchins to Emery Filbey, Nov. 13, 1941; Emery Filbey to Robert Hutchins, reply, n.d., Office of the President, University of Chicago Office of the President, Hutchins Administration Records, folder 1, box 285, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago Library, Chicago, IL (hereafter cited as Hutchins Administration Records). This “special project” was likely referring to the work Davis was doing on IQ tests collaboratively with education specialists at the University of Chicago, such as Robert J. Havighurst.

88 Embree and Waxman, Investment in People, 276-77.

89 For a scholarly account that makes this claim, see Perkins, Edwin Rogers Embree, 210.

90 Robert Hutchins to Lessing Rosenwald, Jan. 13, 1942; and Edwin R. Embree to Robert Hutchins, Jan. 12, 1942, folder 6, box 182, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

91 Edwin R. Embree to Alfred Stern, Feb. 24, 1942, folder 6, box 182, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

92 A budgetary crisis beginning in the 1930-31 school year led the administration to freeze faculty salaries. There were few new hires to replace attrition of the faculty through the rest of the decade. Boyer, John W., The University of Chicago: A History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 289CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Despite the depth of this financial crisis, the university still hired eight new ranking faculty members and promoted six others in the 1938-39 school year. “Report on Faculty Appointments and Losses,” 1938-1939, folder 10, box 253, Hutchins Administration Records.

93 From 1933 to 1947, the University of Chicago spent $83,597 defending racially restrictive covenants. Hirsch, Arnold R., Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940-1960 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 144-45, 146CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

94 See Anderson, “Race, Meritocracy, and the American Academy,” 155.

95 “Negro Faculty Members of Northern Universities and Colleges,” n.d., folder 2, box 308, Rosenwald Fund Archives; and “Negro Faculty Members of Northern Universities and Colleges (Appointments made from the summer of 1945 to the present),” n.d., folder 2, box 308, Rosenwald Fund Archives.

96 On black women in the academy, see Evans, Stephanie Y., Black Women in the Ivory Tower, 1850-1954: An Intellectual History (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007)Google Scholar.

97 Ludlum, Robert P., “Academic Freedom and Tenure: A History,” Antioch Review 10, no. 1 (Spring 1950), 3-34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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