^{page 135 note *} See Part I. at the beginning of Papers of the Literary Class in this Volume.

^{page 138 note *} In Sweden, the towns, hundreds, and provinces had each of them commons, bearing respectively the technical names of lamfalt, haradzalmaining, and land almaining grants of which were obtained from the chief magistrates, viz.. lagman, hereda, &c.; and such public and common lands are natural appendages to all rude communities.

^{page 139 note *} There were above an hundred fovereign states in Gaul, and many more in Spain, when subdued by the Romans; and there were 115 free cities in Gaul under the empire.

^{page 142 note *} Thus he mentions a placitum, in which Gontran appointed Childebert the heir of his kingdoms; and tells, that there “ Gontran cohortabatur omnem exercitum” and feasted them for three days. Lib. 7. § 33. In the same way, when Clotaire marched against the Saxons, and they offered terms of accommodation, which the king approved of, and proposed to his people, he relates, that they (Franci) repeatedly rejected them; and when Clotaire declared to them, “Si abire volueritis, spontanea voluntate “ non sequar,” that “Ipsum vi detrahentes interficere voluerunt, si cum illis abire dif “ ferret” Lib. 4. § 14. See also lib. 6. § 45. An ancient author writes, “ Franco “ rum regibus moris erat kal. Maii, præsidere coram tota gente, et salutare et salutari, ob “ sequia et dona accipere. Sigebert ad ann. 662 pontan. orig. Franc.” Lib. 6. p. 485.

^{page 142 note †} When, in A. D. 575, Sigebert wanted to dethrone his brother Chilperic, he was assassinated by two pueros Tarvuanenses, who had been hired by the wife of Chilperic, and assisted at his election to the throne with this view. The election was like that of Clovis, by the nation assembled. “Collectus est ad eum omnis exercitus, impositumque supra clypeum, regem eum super se statuunt : —dixitque Fredegundis (sciz. pueris.) Ite ad cuneum Sigeberti, et adsimulate ut eum supra vos in regem elevare debeatis.” Gesta Francor. § 32.5 and Greg. lib. 4. § 46. When, about A. D. 612, Theudebert claimed Alsace from Thierri, the historian relates, “Unde placitum inter hos duos reges ut Francorum judicio finiretur in Saloisso (Seltz.) castro instituunt. Ibique Theu dericus (or Thierri) cum Scaritis tantum decem millibus accessit, Theudebertus vero cum magno exercitu Austrasiorum.” Fredeg. Chron. § 37. When Brunehaut, the Jezebel of the North, was put to death by Clotaire, it was “ advocato agmine Francorum et Burgundiorum, et omnibus vociferantibus Brunihildum morte urpissi ma esse condignam.” Gesta Francor. § 40. Again; “ Cum autem denunciatum suit placitum qua die ad præliandum convenire deberent.” § 30.

^{page 143 note *} See Pepin's Expediton to Italy. Fredeg. Chron. Contin.

^{page 143 note †} Mael, in German, an assembly or convivium.

^{page 143 note ‡} Fredeg. Chron. cap. 43. et 89. And, I apprehend, the kings themselves likewise. In a dispute between Clotaire II. and the children of Thierri, Clotaire makes this reply to an embassy from the latter : “ Judicio Francorum electo, quicquid precedente do “ mino a Francis inter eosdem judicabitur, pollicetur se implere.” Mael, in German, an assembly or convivium. § 40. In the same way, the constant expression used in the Chronicles to record a succession to the crown, is, “ Et silium ejus Franci super se regem statuunt.” Gest. Franc. § 43. The very ceremony of the coronation of the French kings, as practifed in modern times, is that of an election by the-grandees, assembled within the church of Rheims, and an approbation of the people assembled without. In fact, however, the Chronicles often mention elections in express terms.

^{page 143 note ∥} Thus Aistulfus, king of the Lombards, engaged, “ Ut omniȧ per judicium Fran “ corum emendaret;” and it was persacerdotes et optimates Francorum,” that he obtained peace. Fredeg. Chron. Continuat. In the same way, “ Guntran et Chilperic “ paeem secerunt, pollicentes alter alterutrum, ut quicquid sacerdotes vel seniores popu “ li judicarent, pars parti componeret quæ terminum legis excesserat.” Greg. Tur. lib, 6. § 31.

^{page 143 note §} In the preamble of the compilation of it, as corrected under Clotaire II. the authority it proceeded from is thus described : “ Temporibus Clotarii regis, una cum “ principibus suis, id sunt, 33 episcopis, 34 ducibus, et 79 comitibus, vel cætero populo “ constituta est.” And Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, under Louis Le Debonnaire, a well informed author, and anxious to preserve information of the constitution of his country, seems to hold it as a thing perfectly notorious, that, in all times, the national consent had been given to the promulgation of laws. “ Habent enim reges,” says he, “ et reipublicæ ministri, leges quibus, in quacunque provincia degentes regere debent “ lmbent capitula Christianorum regum, ac progenitorum suorum, quæ generali confen “ su sidelium suorum tenere legaliter promulgaverunt.” Vol. ii. p. 204. The capitularies are express on this subject. One of them runs as follows : “ Per capitula avi et pa “ tris nostri, quæ Franci pro lege tenenda-judicaverunt et sideles nostri, in generali pla “ cito nostro conservanda decreverunt.” Capit. Carol. Cal. tit. 39. cap. 8.

^{page 144 note *} It is related under the year 767, “ Ibi synodicum fecit (sciz. Pipinus) cum omnibus Francis in campo Bertini. Annales Francor.

^{page 144 note †} It is thus I understand the following passage. It begins with mentioning, that there were two diets in the year, one of the general kind I am treating of, in which the whole business of the year was arranged, so as not to be altered : “ Nisi summa neces “ sitas quæ toto regno incumbebat;” and thus proceeds, “ In quo placito generalitas “ universorum majorum, tam clericorum quam laicorum, conveniebat; seniores, propter “ concilium ordinandum; minores, propter idem concilium suscipiendum et interdum pa “ riter tractandum, et non ex potestate, sed ex proprio mentis intellectu vel sententia “ consirmandum.” Vol. 2. p. 211.

^{page 145 note *} See passage in the preceding note, as an example of the latter; and for the former, see Capit. passim. Thus, cap. 2. Car. Mag. cap. 9. where the bishops, counts and abbots are required to have people, “ Qui, &c. ad diem denunciati placiti veniant, et ibi “ oftendant quomodo fint parati. Habeant loricas vel galeas et temporalem hostem.”

^{page 145 note †} The election of Lotharius II. A. D. 1125, was decided against the inclination of the senate, by the will of the multitude, of which, as the accurate Pfeffel observes, “ Les historiens font monter le nombre à plus de foixante mille hommes, tous rangés “ fous leurs drapeaux et divisés en fix brigades.” Vol. 1. p. 242.

^{page 146 note *} Instead of the noblesse of the palatinates in the ordinary diets, only deputies attend; but this is known to be merely a modern invention, and that still it is competent to assemble the whole body of the nobility, which is actually done when a comitia paludata, or an assembly more deftined for action than deliberation is convoked.

^{page 146 note †} The account Shernhook gives of the ancient Swedisti diet shows, that it was also a national assembly of consederate tribes arranged by the districts to which they belong ed : “ Hæ provinciæ,” says he, “ parvum quoddam reipublicæ corpus sibi secisse vi “ dentur, non alias in communi cum reliquis consulentes, quam cum aut de hoste pel “ lendo, aut rege eligendo vel sustentando ageretur : Non enim ut hodie separati ordi “ nes erant sed provinciæ; ubi mixti nobiles, clerici, cives, milrtes, rustici provinciatim, “ et pro communi habitationis loco responderent : Quod et antea dictum est, et inter “ se ordines magis quam provincias conjunxit.” P. 47. As to the term rustici, it may be observed, that only the peasants of the domains send the representatives which form the house of peasants in the modern diet. The crown continuing elective, they had become freemen and proprietors in early times.

^{page 147 note *} In the history of the election and expedition of Wamba into Gaul, published by an archbishop of Toledo, it is not only said of him, “ Quem totius gentis et patriæ “ communio elegit,” and that at his election “ Populi acclamatio extitit,” but also that he had the “ anhelantia plebium vota;” and that a duke; by menaces, compelled him to accept of the crown. Apud du Chesne, vol. 1.

^{page 147 note †} Vide L L. Visigoth. et Concil. Tolet. Can. passim.

^{page 147 note ‡} We have a very curious record of the trial and judgment of Paulus, and his associates, for revolting in Narbonne against Wamba, in A. D. 673. It bears, that, after they were vanquished and taken captive, “ Convocatis adunatisque omnibus nobis, itidem “ senioribus cunctis palatii, Gardingis omnibus, omnique palatino officio, seu etiam ad “ stante exercitu universo in conspectu gloriosissimi nostri domini, Paulus cum prædic “ tis fociis fuis judicandus assistebat.” It does not certainly appear who the nobis omnibus were, for there are no subscriptions preserved; but, I imagine, the enumeration which succeeds that expression is the true interpretation of it. Accordingly, sentence seems to have been pronounced by the whole assembly, “ Ob hoc secundum latæ legis “ edicta, hoc omnes communi definivimus sententia.” The punishment was “ mors tur “ pissima,” with a reservation, that the king might spare their lives, “ Sed non ali “ ter quam evulsis luminibus.” The proceedings at the trial are highly curious. The king first asked the rebels if he had done them any injury. They confessed he had not. Then the record of their having joined in the king's election, and sworn sealty to him, authenticated by their subscriptions, was produced. Then followed the record of Paulus having accepted of their sealty; and, in fine, two laws of the councils of Toledo against rebellion were read. The first of these steps was probably necessary, because the Gothic kings at their election “ sidem populis reddiderant.” Apud du Chesne, vol. 1. p. 831.

^{page 147 note ∥} E. G. The speech of St Leander, when the cortes renounced Arianism, in the reign of Recaredo, in the end of the sixth century.

^{page 148 note *} The council, or diet, in which Edgar was to be absolved from penance, in A. D. 973, is described thus : “ Adunatis episcopis, abbatibus, et caeteris principibus, “ cum tota regni ingenuitate, coram eis adstante innumera populi multitudine.” The council of A.D. 697, assembled at Berghamsted, enacted sundry laws, or canons, which bear that they were decreed by the clergy; “ Viris utique militaribus et communi omnium “ consensu.” Earl Godwin purged himself of the murder of the king's brother Alfred, “ coram rege et universa gente.” Saxon Chron. 1052. Matthew of Westmin “ ster says, “ Maxima pars regni, tam clericorum quam laicorum, in unum congregati “ pari consensu Knutonem in regem elegerunt.” The Saxon Chronicle relates, that, on Harold's death, “ Populus universus elegit Edwardum in regem.”

^{page 148 note †} Eadmerus calls it simply, “ totius regni adunatio.” P. 39.

^{page 148 note ‡} Eadmerus calls it simply p. 26.

^{page 148 note §} The election of the dignified clergy was anciently in parliament; and I see a record in Madox, where Stephen, in vesting the bishop of Bath with the temporalities of his see, addresses the grant, “ Archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baroni “ bus, et omnibus sidelibus, per totam Angliam, constitutis;” and adds, that the grant proceeded, “ Canonica prius electione præcedente, et communi vestro concilio, voto et “ favore prosequente.” This charter is tested in a general council at Westminster; “ Audientibus et collaudantibus omnibus fidelibus,” &c.

^{page 149 note *} Benedict. Abb. apud Littelton, Hen. II. vol. 3. p. 290. Even under Henry III. an. 1223, “ Natali domini,” says the Chronicle of Dunstaple, “ venit rex Northamp “ ton, et cum eo D. Cant, archiepiscopus, et tot episcopi, et comites et barones, et “ milites armati, quod nec in diebus patris fui, nec postea, dignoscitur tale sestum in “ Anglia celebratum.” Ap. Hody, p. 300. See also note below, on p. 150.

^{page 150 note *} Vol. 2. p. 515.

^{page 150 note †} Cap. 7. See also general title.

^{page 150 note ‡} Cap. 32.

^{page 150 note ∥} The ecclesiastics seem to have been omitted in this enumeration, because the grant in agitation regarded only laymen. In the parliament, or assembly of the states at Ayr, A. D. 1315, where the settlement of the crown was made on Robert I. the enumeration is as follows : “ Episcopi, abbates, priores decani, archidiaconi, et cæteri eccle “ siarum prælati, comites, barones, et cæteri de communitate regni Scotiæ, tam “ clerici quam laici.” Ap. Anderson's Independence, Appendix, No. 24.

^{page 150 note §} The diet which Henry I. of England summoned in 1115 or 1116, to recognize the succession of his son William, seems to have contained vassals of subjects. Malmsbury says, “ Ei (viz. William) vix dum 12 annorum esset, omnes liberi homines Angliæ “ et Normanniæ, cujuscunque ordinis et dignitatis, cujuscunque domini sideles, manibus “ et sacramento se dedere coacti sunt.” See Hody, p. 198.

^{page 151 note *} The iter justiciarii proves, that subvassals were anciently sectatores of the king's court : “ Primo vocentur sectatores, et eorum domini; quia tametsi sectatores compa “ rent, tamen eorum domini obligantur ad comparendum, coram justiciario in suo iti “ nere.” Again; “ Sectatores curiæ iterum vocari debent singuli bis, cum ipsorum “ dominis.” It appears, too, from cap. 15. Quon. Att. That a vassal of a baron was probably, at the period of the regulation there mentioned, still a sectator curiæ vicecomitis. Possibly, cap. 67. ejusd. may have been the origin of their being excluded the county courts of freeholders. It is there provided, that a baron cannot be judged by a vavasor, nor a vavasor by a burgess; but that a lower person might be judged by a higher. In the decline of the feus again, viz. in 1593, all landed men were found by the court of session to be pares curiæ, and competent to fit as jurymen, even in the trial of peers before the justiciar. Mack. Crim. part. 2. tit. 8.

^{page 152 note *} I Know English antiquaries suppose there was a time when the vassals of subjects were admitted to the privileges of freeholders. But there is no vestige of evidence that such an event ever took place, or that there was room for it, by their ever having been destitute of those privileges. The fact, I apprehend, was, that the vigorous administration of the Anglo-Norman princes prevented, in a great measure, that usurpation of sovereignty in the subject-superiors, which occurred in other countries. Hence, though property was arranged in England according to seudal ideas, the vassal preserved much of his public privileges and natural equality as a citizen. Thus the valvasor, or powerful vassal of a seudal lord, was regarded as a superior person to a simple miles, or petty tenant in capite. Thus, the sheriff alone could levy a distress from vassals, to compel them to fulfil their obligations to their superiors. Thus the first peer of the realm is not only, in all civil cases, subject to the jurisdiction of a jury of commoners, who may be vassals of subjects, but, in criminal cases, is subject to the grand jury, and, on an appeal of felony or murder, may be convicted capitally by a petty jury of them. And thus, too, the king always might have required the council of any freeholder, by writ, commanding his attendance in parliament, where he confequently might have fat and voted as an equal with his seudal lord. The statute Hen. III. an. 9. cap. 14. seems to have arisen from the distinction of ranks which the seudal law had then rivetted. In the mandamus of that prince to the itinerant justices, he directs them to amerce all liable to be amerced, except earls and barons, “ Qui coram concilio “ nostro amerciandi sunt.” By § 27. Mag. Chart. they could be amerced only “ per “ pares suos.”

^{page 153 note *} In enumerating the lands of Rogerus comes, it is said in Doomsday-book; “ Hanc terram tenuerunt 6 soccomanni, et dare et vendere terram suam potuerunt. “ Unus eorum homo regis Edwardi suit, et Invuardam invenit vicecomiti. Tres istorum “ Soccomannorum accommodavit Picotus (the vicecomes), Rogerio comiti, propter pla “ cita sua tenenda. Sed postea occupaverunt eos, homines comitis et retinuerunt cum terris fuis fine liberatione, et rex inde servitium non habuit, nec habet. Sic ipse vicecomes dicit.” P. 193. 2. Again, when describing Herstingestan hundred; “ Ibi est terra Soccoman “ norum 5 hid. ad geld. Terra 8 carruc. et 6 bov. Isti soccomanni dicunt, se habuisse le “ grevitam, blodevitam, latrocinium suum, usque ad 4 denar. et post 4 denar. habe “ bat abbas forisfacturam latrocinii.” In the remarks at the end of the survey of the shire, it is said, that a jury informed that, as to these 5 hides, “ Terra soccomannorum suit “ tempore regis Edwardi; sed idem rex dedit terram et socam de eis sancto Bene “dicto de Ramsey, propter unum servitium quod abbas Alvinus fecit ei in Saxonia, “ et postea semper habuit,” Huntingtonshire.

^{page 155 note *} Thus, in Scotland, where the greater and lesser barons fat together In one house of parliament, we find commoners holding the highest offices in the state, and sitting along with peers in juries and in trials in parliament.

^{page 156 note *} Analogous expressions are used with respect to the diets of the continental nations. As to the northern nations, Poland, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, the fact, with regard to two bodies, a senate and people, composing their ancient diets, admits of no dispute: As to those of Spain, there seems to be no room for supposing them different: “ Tandem unus ex primatibus,” says an ancient chronicle, “ nomine Chindasinthus, “ collectis plurimis senatoribus Gothorum, cæteroque populo in regno Spaniæ sublima “ tur. Tologanem degradatum ad honos Clericati tonsorare fecit.” Fredeg. § 82. The same constitution among the Lombards seems to be implied in the expression of the chronicle : “ Langobardi una cum concilio procerum suorum Desiderium in sedem reg “ ni instituunt.” Du Chesne, tit. I. p. 775. As to France, again, under the first Race, we frequently meet with such language as this : “ Chilpericus rex, convocatis “ melioribus Francis, reliquisque sidelibus, nuptias celebravit filiæ suæ.” Greg. Tur. lib. 6. § 45. “ Ille vero corrgregatis senioribus secum, præparatis epulis,” &c. Lib. 4. § 27. And Fredegarius writes, “ Confilio sapientum usus pagos et civitates, “ quod fratri suo Chariberto ad transigendum ad instar privato habitu vivendum, “ potuisset sufficere noscitur concessisse.” Cap. 57. In the same way, the legislature of the Saxons, when conquered by Charlemagne, consisted of a senate and people : “ Cum in Saxoniam Carolus pervenisset totum persidæ gentis senatum ac populum; “ quem ad se venire jusserat, morigeram ac fallaciter sibi devotam invenit.” Eginhartus in actis ann, 777.

^{page 158 note *} Hist. of Gr. Brit. vol. 2. p. 246.

^{page 158 note †} P. 21.

^{page 159 note *} In the synod of A. D. 694, assembled chiefly on religious affairs, the enumeration of the members is more full; first, the archbishop of Britain and the bishop of Rochester are mentioned, and then it proceeds as follows : “ Cæterisque abbatibus, abbatissis, presbyteris, diaconibus, ducibus, fatrapis,. in unum glomeratis.” See also enumeration of the diet which absolved Edgar, quoted above in note p. 148.

^{page 160 note *} “ Gloriosus rex Offa cum senatoribus terræ, &c. Hæc decreta senatoribus et “ ducibus et populo terræ proposuimus.” Spelman's Councils. A charter of Edward the Confessor runs thus: “ Edwardus R. Salutem dicit Hermanno episcopo, Haroldo “ comiti, et omnibus suis agri Dorsetensis ministris.” Hody, p. 64.

^{page 160 note †} Lib. 2. cap. 40.

^{page 160 note ‡} It is remarked in Doomsday, that a thane who had more than fix manors in Nottingamshire, paid 8 pounds relief to the king; but, if he had fix or fewer manors be paid 3 merks to the sheriff, whether he lived in burgo or extra.

^{page 161 note *} I Shall afterwards, in considering the innovations in the structure of the ancient legislatures, have occasion to treat of this qualification in land.

^{page 161 note †} Mr Wallace.

^{page 161 note ‡} Cap. 8. and 9.

^{page 161 note ∥} Stat. Alex. cap. 15. Stat. Williel. cap. 3.

^{page 161 note §} It is curious to find Gregory of Tours using a similar mode of expression, “ Post hæc edictum a judicibus datum, ut qui in hac expeditione tardi fuerant damnarentur.” Lib. 7. c. 42.

^{page 162 note *} Page 290.

^{page 162 note †} Whether holding by one species of tenure, or another; and whether holding large estates, or only fractions of knights fees. See also L L. Gul. I. and L L. Hen. I. ap. Lambard.

^{page 162 note ‡} “ Et præterea faciemus summoneri in generali, per vicecomites et ballivos nostros, omnes illos qui de nobis tenent in capite.” Mag. Chart. § 14. I must here remark, that this expression is not adverse to my opinion, that freeholders, not holding in chief, were originally entitled to attend at the diets. The tenants in capite owed their attendance as the condition of their estates, and were compelled to give it accordingly, while other freemen were more apt to neglect a burdensome and inconvenient duty, which was not, in their case, often enforced by immediate forfeitures. Accordingly, the bold inventor of the treatise Mod. Tenen. Parl. makes the tenants in chief attend parliament by necessity of their tenure, while others only might be asked to attend. The real foundation, however, of this provision in Magna Charta was, I apprehend, no more than this, that the tenants in chief were, agreeably to the feudal arrangements, the leaders and magistrates of their vassals. Hence it was incumbent on the king to summon only his immediate vassals, each of whom was, in virtue of such summons, obliged to attend, “ cum hominibus suis.” Accordingly we find, that, in Scotland, certain of the vassals owed only presence, and not suit, at the king's courts; and that it was necessary to enforce the obligation of suit by various regulations. Stat. 1. Rob. I. cap. 2. &c. 4. et 5.

^{page 163 note *} Lib. 1. cap. 10. See for more such assemblies, cap. 14. 45. 46. 60. This piece of history is the more remarkable, that it affords a strong indication of the original independence of the counties. For, after relating the judgment of the generale placitum, it thus proceeds: “ Post hæc, infra octavum diem convenerunt iterum ad Northampton, “ et congregata ibi tota provincia five vicecomitatu, coram cunctis iterum causam supradictam patefecerunt. Qua patesacta ac declarata, ut præjudicatum erat apud “ Lundoniam, judicaverunt et isti apud Northampton.”

^{page 164 note †} It is natural to consider, as the remains of this ancient institution, the known royal prerogative in England, of holding conventions of peers, though no parliament is in existence; and the practice which appears from the Scots statutes to have obtained in Scotland, of the peers issuing ordinances without the concurrence of the other estates of parliament.

^{page 165 note *} The Abbé Mably, however, thinks, that the Commons, of Tiers Etat, formed a third chamber in the diet of the Carlovingians, because the Capit. of A. D. 819, art. 2. requires each comes to bring with him to the diet, “ 12 scabinos, si tanti fuerint, sin autem de melioribus hominibus comitatus suppleat numerum;” and that the advocati of the dignified clergy should also attend. But the scabini were always chosen “ de nobilioribus;” and, at any rate, it is evident, the 12 best people of a county can, by no means, be reckoned as of the Tiers Etat. Besides, Hincmar's description of the assembly gives no countenance to the notion of a chamber of delegates. The regulation in question, I apprehend, was destined to remedy, in part, that neglect of attendance on the diet, which, at last became so fatal to its authority; or, perhaps, for some particular purpose, like what we read in Hoveden, of William the Conqueror; Willielmus rex, anno quarto regni sui, consilio baronum suorum, fecit “ summonari per universos consulatos Angliæ Anglos nobiles et sapientes, et sua lege “ eruditos, ut eorum jura et consuetudines ab ipsis audiret. Electis igitur de singulis “ totius patriæ comitatibus viri duodecim,” &c. And they are said to have reported the laws upon oath.

^{page 166 note *} “ Audiens autem Chilpericus omnia mala, quæ faciebat Leudastes ecclesiis Turo “ nicis etomni populo, Ansualdum illuc dirigit. Qui veniens, ad sestivitatem Sancti “ Martini, data nobis et populo optione, Eunomius in comitatum erigitur. Denique Leu “ dastes cernens fe remotum,” &c. Greg. Tur. lib. 5. § 48. “ Præcipientes jubemus, “ ut in ipso pago Cenomanico accipere non debeant, ducem aut comitem, nisi per elec “ tionem ipsius pagi, pontificis et pagensium.” Bouquet, tom. 4. ad ann. 698. The emperor Henry II. recognized, that it had been the right of the Bavarians, at all times, to chuse their dukes. Again,“Ut judices, vicedomini, præpositi, advocati, centenarii “ boni et veraces, cum comite et populo, eligantur.” Capit. ad ann. 809. See also L L. Edwardi, cap. 35. and L L. Boior. tit. 2. cap. 1. The kings, as presiding magistrates, had naturally the nomination of dukes and counts; and the people had the appointment or rejection. The kings seem to have interfered in prejudice of the people, by transferring the election into the general assembly of the magistracy, and then by assuming it altogether. Thus we have frequent mention of the “ electiones “ de palatio” as to bishops, and they are marked in the edict of Clotaire II. ann. 615, as an alternative to elections “ clero et populo.” I have quoted a charter in Madox, that proves a bishop of Bath was elected in parliament in Stephen's time; and we find dukes and counts sometimes sent “ e palatio,” and sometimes chosen, as in the above case of Tours. See also, lib. 8. § 42.

^{page 167 note *} “ Burgum de Grentbrige pro uno hundret. se defend.” Grentebrescire. “ Bede “ ford, tempore regis Edwardi, pro dimidio hundret. se defendeb. et modo facit in “ expeditione et in navibus.” Of Exon,(Exeter) it is said,“ Serviebat hæc civitas quantum “ 5 hidæ terræ.” P. 100. “ Huntedun. Burg. defendeb. fe ad geld, regis, pro quar “ ta parte Herstingestan hundred.” Of Clifford, it is remarked, “ Istud castellum est “ de regno Angliæ. Non subjacet alicui hundret. neque in consuetudine. Gislibet “ vicecomes tenet illud ad firmam et burgum et carucat.” (village and plowgate), &c. &c.

^{page 168 note *} In the charter of Portsmouth, Richard I. grants; “ Quod prædicta villa, et “ omnes burgenses in, ea, et tenentes de ea, fint quieti — de sciris et hundredis, et “ de sectis scirarum et hundredorum, et de summis et auxiliis vicecomitum, et lervien “ tibus et de placitis et querelis omnibus.” Brady on Bor. App. p. 14. In the charter of Dunwich, King John grants; “ Quod nullam sectam faciant comitatum vel “ hundredorum, nisi coram justiciariis nostris : et cum summoniti fuerunt esse coram “ justiciariis, mittant pro fe, duodecim legales homines de burgo, qui fint pro omni “ bus:” And, if they were to be amerced, “ Amercientur per 6 probos homines “ burgi,et 6 extra burgum.” See others in Madox Hist. Excheq.

^{page 168 note *} Of Huntedun, it is said; “ De toto hoc burgo exib. temp. Reg. Edw. de Landga “ ble 10 lib.; inde comes terciam partem habeb. rex duas, &c.; præter hæc habeb. “ rex 20 lib. et comes 10 lib. de firma burgi.” The census of a mill of the burghlands, of 3 piscatores, and 3 monetarii, was divided by the same proportions. “ Burgenses “ de Hanton redd, vicecomiti p. ann. 30 lib. et 10 fol. Burgenses de Grentebrege, “ T. R. E. accommodabant vicecomiti carucas suas, ter in anno; modo novem vicibus “ exiguntur; nec averas nec car. T. R. E. invenieb. quæ modo faciunt per consuetud. “ impositam. Reclamant autem, super Picotum vicecomitem, communem pasturam fibi “ per eum ablatam.” Of Hereford T. R. E. “ Si quis burgensium voluisset recedere “ de civitate, poterat concessu præpositi domum fuam vendere, &c.. et habebat præ“ positus tertiam denarium hujus venditionis;” and, if a poor man abandoned his house, Præpofitus providebat, ne domus vacua remaneret, et ne rex careret servitio.” In the same city, “ unaquaque masura” yielded 11 denar. et obol.; and, during 3 days in August, “ Secabat ad maurdine, et una die erat ad senum congregandum ubi vicecomes “ volebat, &c. De hac civitate reddit præpofitus 12 lib. regi, et 6 lib. comiti.”

^{page 169 note *} In hoc burgo (Grentebrige) suerunt decem custodiæ, &c. De hareta Lageman “ norum habuit ipse picot. (vicecomes of Grentebrige) 8 lib. et un. palfred, et unius “ militis arma. Alwric Godricson, quando fuit vicecomes, habuit harietam unius “ istorum 20 solidos.” Grentebrege was ranked as an hundred. Vide supra. Lagmen are mentioned in Warwick having sac. et soc. See also Lincoln, &c.

^{page 169 note †} In hoc manerio (Biselie) una hida. Et in dominio sunt 2 carùc.; et 4 villani, “ et 8 bordarii, et præpositus et bidellus. Inter omnes habent 4 carucatæ. Ibi 8, in “ ter servos et ancillas, et vaccar. et daiar. Ibi sorestarius tenet. dimid. virg. terræ.” P. 180. 2. “ Willielmus comes misit, extra suos manerios, 2 sorestieros, propter “ silvas custodiendas, unum de Hanlie, unum de Biselie,” (2 royal manors). There is often mention made of the vassals belonging to manors. Vide Arkenfelde in Herefordscire. The government of manors is to be found in all institutions of the law of England. The comes had superintended, in ancient times, those of the king. In the survey of Herefordscire, “ Comes posuit foris de hoc manerio unam virgatam, et dedit “ cuidam burgensi de Hereford. Anschetel tenet 40 acras, inter planam terram et “ pratam quas præpositus regis Edwardi præstavit suo parenti.”

^{page 170 note *} See note, p. 160.; and the evidence abounds in Doomsday, and elsewhere. William of Malmsbury speaks of country barons admitted, long before his time, into the community of London. Hist. Novor. lib. 11. § 10. f. 106.

^{page 170 note †} In Warwick, it is said, there were 19 burgenses, “qui habent 19 masuras, cum sa“ca et socha, et omnibus consuetudinibus, et ita habebant temp. Reg. ED.” The burgenses of Exon, it is said, “Habent extra civitatem, 12 carucat. terræ, quæ nullam “consuetud. reddunt, nisi ad ipsam civitatem.” A manse in France denoted not only a house, but 12 bonnés of land belonging to it. In Doomsday, however, masura and domus seem to be synonymous. In Norwich, some burgesses enjoyed jurisdiction and patronage over other burgesses.

^{page 170 note ‡} In Warwick, the king had, in dominio, 113 manses, and the barones regis 112, which likewise paid geld to the king, and were appendages of their estates that lay extra burgum.

^{page 170 note ∥} In Heresorde, “Heraldus comes habeb. 27 burgenses, easd. consuet. hab. quas “alii burgenses.” The præpositus, however, “Habeb. in suo censu supra dictas om “res consuetudines. Rex vero habebat in suo dominio tres forisfacturas. Hoc erat “pacem suam infractam, heinfaram et forestellum. Quicunque horum unum fecisset, “emendab. 100 sol. regi, cujuscunque homo fuiset.” Every masura, likewise, was obliged to send a man to attend when the king hunted. In describing the royal manor of Suchlie, it is said, “In Wirecestre unus burgensis, sed nil reddit.”

^{page 171 note *} In Huntedone, it is said, “T. R. E. fuerunt et sunt modo 116 burgenses, consue“tud. omnes et geld. regis reddentes; et sub eis sunt 100 bordarii, qui adjuvant eos ad “persolutionem geldi. De his burgensibus habuit sanctus Benedictus de Ramsey, 10 “cum sac. et soc. et omni consuet.” Borde or borderie is an old French word, signifying a “domain aux champs, destiné pour le menage, labourage, et culture.” Hence bordelage in the French law. Argou. lib. 2. cap. 4.

^{page 171 note †} Of the burgesses of Heresorde, it is said, “Qui equum habetat ter in anno, per“gebat cum vicecomite ad placita, et ad hundrez. ad Urmelavia.” Again, “Burgen“sis cum caballo serviens cum moriebatur, habeb. rex equum etrarma ejus. De eo qui “non habeb. equum, si moreretur, habeb. rex aut 10 solid. aut terram ejus cum do“mibus.— Si vicecomes iret in Wales cum exercitu, ibant hi homines cum eo. “Quod si ire jussus, non iret, emendab. regi 40 solid.” Exon tantum geldab. quando London, York, et Winton, geldab. “et hoc erat dimid. mark. argenti ad opus mili “tare. Quando expeditio ibat per terram, serviebat hæc civitas quantum 5 Hidæ “terræ.” Warwick sent a contingent of 10 burgesses to assist in a war at land, and 4 boatswains, or 4 lib. of pence in a war at sea. “Qui monitus, non ibat,” paid 100 solidi. Wilton sent a man for every five hides, Ledecestre sent 12 as a contingent, &c. &c.

^{page 171 note ‡} “Et cives Londoniæ habeant sugationes suas ad sugandum, sicut melius et plenius “habuerunt antecessores eorum scilicet in Chiltre, et Middlesexe, et Surreie.” Charter by Inspeximus of Hen. I. and Hen. II. and Rich. I.

^{page 172 note *} In the survey of a manor, it is said, “Ansgot, homo comitis, tenet dimid. virg. “terræ. Et Ulviet unam hidam liberæ terræ.” P. 180. In the manor of Arkenfelde, the king had 96 men, who, with their men, held 76 caruc. “et dant de con“suetud. 4 sextar. mellis, 20 sol. pro ovibus, quas soleb. dare, et 10 sol. pro sumagio; “nec dant geld. aut aliam consuet. nisi quod pugnant in exercitu regis, si jussum eis “fuerit.” If a villein died in this manor, the king had an ox; if a freeman, his horse and arms. But a page of Doomsday cannot be perused without perceiving abundant evidence of the assertion in the text.

^{page 173 note *} In 928, the emperor Henry I. caused a ninth part of the country noblesse to reside in the towns on the eastern frontier of Germany, in order to guard it against the Sclavonic nations.

^{page 174 note *} Many of the principal Spanish towns long preserved independence of the Goths; and it appears from a law of Chindasinthus, who reigned about A. D. 650, that, notwithstanding the submission of the towns, on the renunciation of Arianism, the distinction between the curiales and plebeians of the Roman municipia remained in force. L L. Visig. lib. 5. tit. 4. cap. 19. The same law likewise proves, that the jurisdiction of the comes obtained in the Spanish towns, as well as in the country districts; and Dr Robertson, in his History of Charles V. v. 1. p. 345, &c. shows, That the towns made a distinguished figure, as far back as there are any accounts of the kingdoms which arose on the ruins of the Arabian powers. It is certain, that the principal inhabitants of towns enjoyed the honours of the country noblesse; and this will hardly appear extraordinary, when it is considered, that, during the long warfare with the Moors, towns were the natural bulwarks to which the inhabitants of the country must have resorted in times of danger.

^{page 174 note †} Gregory of Tours, lib. 4. § 30; lib. 6. § 11. verb, seniores civium; and lib. 8. § 18. 21. 45.; lib. 10. § 5. And many other authors might also be quoted to the same effect.

^{page 174 note ‡} The principal inhabitants of Jerusalem, Napoli, Acre, and Sur, furnished 666 knights, and the simple burgesses furnished, together with the churches, 5075 sergen to the army; and these knights seem to have been, in no respect, inferior to those furnished by the country barons. Assises de Jerusalem, cap. 326. &c. In the time of Lewis, Paris contributed to the war of Flanders 400 cavalry and 200 infantry. The fine for absence was 60 solidi. Fines of this nature were levied on burgesses in very ancient times. Every person, without distinction, having 4 manses in property, or benefice, was obliged to attend in war. Baluz. tom. 1. p. 489. And we have burgesses particularly mentioned as subject to this duty. Edict of Charles le Gros, ad ann. 880.

^{page 175 note *} On the death of Canut, the Saxon Chronicle relates, that Harold was chosen king by Earl Leofric, and the mariners of London, and almost all the thanes north of the Thames. “Major Londoniæ, et alii barones Londoniæ attornaverunt,” &c. 6. Hen. III. Rot. 5. Brompton, and the Norman writers use baro to denote thane; and the records for several reigns after the conquest employ both terms promiscuouthy. Madox. Hist. Exch. Boulainviliers Etat de la France, v. 3. p. 56.

^{page 176 note *} I have abundance of evidence to offer of the particulars In the text. It, however, is voluminous; and they, in general, are well known. I shall, therefore, quote only two very curious passages from Doomsday. “Northamptonscire redd. firmam trium “noctium, 30 lib. ad pondus. ad canes 42 lib. alb. de 20 in ora, De dono reginæ et “de feno, 10 lib. 5 oras. De Accipitre, 5 lib. De Summario, 20 sol. De Elemos, “20 sol. De eq. venator, 20 sol.” See also Ledecestre and Warwick, &c. In describing the customs of Arkenfelde in Herefordescire, it is said; “Si quis Wallensium occid. ho“minem regis, et facit heinfaram, dat regi 20 sol. de solut. hominis, et de forisfac. “100 sol. Si alicujus Taini hom, occiderit, dat 10 sol. domino hominis mortui. Quod “si Wallensis Wallensem occiderit, congregantur parentes occisi, et prædantur eum “qui occidit, ejusque propinquos, et comburunt domos eorum, donec in crastinum circa “meridiem corpus mortui sepeliatur. De hac præda, habet rex terciam partem. Illi “vero totum aliud habent quietum. Si vicecomes eos evocat ad Sciremot. meliores ex “eis 6 aut 7, vadunt cum eo. Qui vocatus non vadit, dat 2 sol. aut unum bovem re“gi. Qui de hundret. remanet, tantumdem persolvit. Similiter emendat qui, jussus “a vicecomite secum ire in Wales, non pergit. Nam si vicecomes non vadit, nemo “eorum ibit. Cum exercitus in hostem pergit, ipsi faciunt avantwarde in reversione “rerewarde. Hæ consuetud. erant Wallensium.” T. R. E. in Arkenfelde.

^{page 177 note *} Long before charters of incorporation, William the Conqueror considered them in this light: “Nullum mercatum vel forum sit, nec fieri permittatur, nisi in civitati“bus, et in burgis et muro vallatis, et in castellis, et in locis tutissmis, ubi consue“tudines regni nostri — deperiri non possunt, nec defraudari nec violari. — Et ideo “castella, et burgi, et civitates fitæ sunt, et fundatæ, et ædisicatæ, sciz. ad tuitionem “gentium et populorum regni, et ad defensionem regni, et idcirco observari debent, “cum omni libertate et integritate et ratione.” L L. Gul. 1. c. 61. Saxon history justifies the assertion; and the laws of Athelstan, c. 12. and 13. furnish the regulation. The burghbotam, or expence of repairing the fortifications of towns, affected accordingly every land-estate in the kingdom.

^{page 178 note *} In Canterbury, “Burgenses habeb. de rege 33 acras prati in gildam suam.”

^{page 178 note *} The mint of a district was, no doubt, originally under the care of the magistrate. The following grant of the year 955 shows that this was the case, and that towns in Germany were very similar to what they were in England at the time of the survey: “Concedentes, &c. omnem burgum, et universa quæ In Canterbury, “Burgenses habeb. de rege 33 acras prati in gildam suam. em ad dominationem et pote“statem comitis pridem pertinuisse visa sunt, forum scilizet, teloneum, monetam, et “omnem districtum, cum terra et mansionibus ipsius burgi.” Bouquet, tit. 9. p. 618.

^{page 178 note ‡} The burgh of Huntedun, which was ranked as the fourth part of a hundred, “pro 50 hidis defendeb. se ad geld. reg. Sed modo non geldab. in illo hund., postquam “Rex Ws. gildum monete posuit in burgo.” The monetarii appear to have paid double the heriot, or relief, and sometimes quadruple the custom of the simple burgesses. It was probably the lucrative nature of the business that made it an object for the city noblesse in Germany to take charge of it. The monetarii in England had “saccam et “socham suam.” L L. Athelstani, c. 14. provide, That every burgh was to have at least one; and when exemptions from the county jurisdictions were bestowed on incorporations, there is very commonly a reservation as to the monetarii: “Exceptis mo“netariis et ministris nostris.” Charter of John to London. In Scotland, at this day the guild brethren, as they are called, are distinguished as superior to the handycraftsmen, or trades.

^{page 180 note *} It is scarce necessary to remark, that the claims of one or two English boroughs for the privilege of electing members of parliament, on the ground that they had resorted to the Saxon diets, is rather explained by, than repugnant to the above hypothesis. The evidence that was offered of the grounds of claim has not been preserved; and the age in which it was offered is distinguished by having been imposed upon by the grossest forgeries. The tradition, however, of anciently resorting to the diets in the manner I have stated, may naturally, both have suggested the claim, and rendered it successful.