Hostname: page-component-7479d7b7d-8zxtt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-10T21:02:08.178Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

CONTAINING THE RAINBOW COALITION

Political Consequences of Mass Racialized Incarceration

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 February 2020

Kerry L. Haynie
Kerry L. Haynie*
Affiliation:
Departments of Political Science and African & African American Studies, Duke University
*
*Corresponding author: Kerry L. Haynie, Department of Political Science, Duke University, 279 Gross Hall, Box 90204, Durham, NC 27708. E-mail: klhaynie@duke.edu.
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

The emergence of an African American and Latino-dominated coalition with the potential to reconfigure American government and politics at the national, state, and local levels is one of the most noteworthy developments in U.S. politics over the past two decades. Racialized mass incarceration and felon disenfranchisement are impediments to this coalition’s political power. Social scientists, legal scholars, and activists have long paid attention to how devices like poll taxes, English competency tests, voter intimidation, racial gerrymandering, and voter identification laws restrict participation and diluted the political influence of racial and ethnic minorities. This essay seeks to direct renewed scholarly attention to racialized mass incarceration and felon disenfranchisement as similar devices for suppressing and containing minority group political power.

Keywords

Mass incarceration and felon disenfranchisementAfrican American-Latino coalitionminority group power
Type
Guest Edited Dossier
Information
Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race , Volume 16 , Issue 1 , Spring 2019 , pp. 243 - 251
Copyright
Copyright © Hutchins Center for African and African American Research 2020 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

REFERENCES

Alexander, Michelle (2010). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. New York: New Press.Google Scholar
Bowers, Melanie, and Preuhs, Robert R. (2009). Collateral Consequences of a Collateral Penalty: The Negative Effect of Felon Disenfranchisement Laws on Political Participation of Nonfelons. Social Science Quarterly , 90(3): 722–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brennan Center for Justice (2018). New Voting Restrictions in America. <https://www.brennancenter.org/new-voting-restrictions-america> (Accessed December 10, 2018.+(Accessed+December+10,+2018.>Google Scholar
Browning, Rufus P., Marshall, Dale Rogers, and Tab, David H. (1984): Protest Is Not Enough: The Struggle of Blacks and Hispanics for Equality in Urban Politics. Berkeley, CA: The University of California Press.Google Scholar
Flores, Antonio (2017). How the U.S. Hispanic Population is Changing. Pew Research Center, Washington, D.C. September 18. <http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/09/18/how-the-u-s-hispanic-population-is-changing/> (Accessed October 23, 2018).+(Accessed+October+23,+2018).>Google Scholar
Frey, William H. (2018). The U.S. Will Become ‘Minority White’ in 2045, Census Projects.” Brookings, Washington, D.C. (March 14, 2018). <https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2018/03/14/the-us-will-become-minority-white-in-2045-census-projects/> (Accessed October 23, 2018).+(Accessed+October+23,+2018).>Google Scholar
García Bedolla, Lisa, and Haynie, Kerry L. (2013). The Obama Coalition and the Future of American Politics. Politics, Groups, and Identities , 1(1): 128–133.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Garland, David (2002). The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Grofman, Bernard, and Handley, Lisa (1991). The Impact of the Voting Rights Act on Black Representation in Southern State Legislatures. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 16(1): 111–128.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Haynie, Kerry L. (2008). Understanding the New Race Politics: Conclusions and Challenges. In Junn, Jane and Haynie, Kerry L. (Eds.), New Race Politics in America. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Hero, Rodney E., and Preuhs, Robert R. (2013). Black-Latino Relations in U.S. National Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Horwitz, Sari (2016). A Guide to Voter Intimidation and How to Report It. The Washington Post, November 7. <https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/a-guide-to-voter-intimidation-and-how-to-report-it/2016/11/07/bf44ee2a-a51e-11e6-8042-f4d111c862d1_story.html?utm_term=.db312335ea7f> (Accessed October 23, 2018).Google Scholar
Jennings, James (1994). Changing Urban Policy Paradigms: Impact of Black and Latino Coalitions. In Jennings, James (Ed.), Blacks, Latinos, and Asians in Urban America: Status and Prospects for Politics and Activism. Westport, CT: Praeger.Google Scholar
Keyssar, Alexander (2000). The Right To Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States. New York: Basic Books.Google Scholar
Lerman, Amy E., and Weaver, Vesla M. (2013). Race and Crime in American Politics: From Law and Order to Willie Horton and Beyond. In Bucerius, Sandra and Tonry, Michael (Eds.), The Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Li, Michael, Wolf, Thomas, and Lo, Annie (2018). The State of Redistricting Litigation. The Brennan Center for Justice. New York, December 10. <https://www.brennancenter.org/blog/state-redistricting-litigation> (Accessed December 10, 2018).+(Accessed+December+10,+2018).>Google Scholar
Lopez, Ian H. (2010). Post-Racial Racism: Racial Stratification and Mass Incarceration in the Age of Obama. California Law Review , 98(3): 1023–73.Google Scholar
McDonald, Thomasi (2018). Franklin County Poll Worker Removed Amid Allegations of Voter Intimidation. The News & Observer, October 20. <https://www.newsobserver.com/news/local/article220380085.html> (Accessed October 21, 2018.Google Scholar
Murakawa, Naomi (2008). The Origin of the Carceral Crisis: Racial Order as ‘Law and Order’ in Postwar American Politics. In Lowndes, Joseph, Novkov, Julie, and Warren, Dorian, (Eds.), Race and American Political Development. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
National Conference of State Legislatures (2018). Post Election 2018 State & Legislative Partisan Composition. <https://www.ncsl.org/research/about-state-legislatures/partisan-composition> (Accessed December 10, 2018).+(Accessed+December+10,+2018).>Google Scholar
Nellis, Ashley (2016). The Color of Justice: Racial and Ethnic Disparity in State Prisons. <https://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/color-of-justice-racial-and-ethnic-disparity-in-state-prisons/> (Accessed October 12, 2018).Google Scholar
Pew Research Center (2014). Demographic and Economic Profiles of Hispanics by State and County. <http://www.pewhispanic.org/states/> (Accessed October 8, 2018).+(Accessed+October+8,+2018).>Google Scholar
Preston, Julia (2006). In Big Shift, Latino Vote Was Heavily for Obama. The New York Times, November 8. <https://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/07/us/politics/07latino.html> (Accessed October 8, 2018).Google Scholar
Scheingold, Stuart (1984). The Politics of Law and Order: Street Crime and Public Policy. New York: Longman.Google Scholar
Schaller, Thomas (2008). Whistling Past Dixie: How Democrats Can Win Without the South. New York: Simon and Schuster.Google Scholar
Sidanius, Jim, and Pratto, Felicia (1999). Social Dominance: An Intergroup Theory of Social Hierarchy and Oppression. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Simon, Jonathan (2007). Rise of the Carceral State. Social Research , 74(2): 471–508.Google Scholar
Sonenshein, Raphael (1990). Can Black Candidates Win Statewide Elections? Political Science Quarterly , 105(2): 219–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sonenshein, Raphael (1993). Politics in Black and White: Race and Power in Los Angeles. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Uggen, Christopher, Larson, Ryan, and Shannon, Sarah (2016). 6 Million Lost Voters: State-Level Estimates of Felony Disenfranchisement. The Sentencing Project, Washington, D.C. October 6. https://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/6-million-lost-voters-state-level-estimates-felony-disenfranchisement-2016/> (Accessed October 12, 2018).+(Accessed+October+12,+2018).>Google Scholar
Uggen, Christopher, and Manza, Jeff (2002). Democratic Contraction?: Political Consequences of Felon Disenfranchisement in the United States. American Sociological Review , 67: 777–803.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
U.S. Census Bureau, Population Division (2014). Table 11. Percent of the Projected Population by Hispanic Origin and Race for the United States: 2015 to 2060 (NP2014-T11) <https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2014/demo/popproj/2014-summary-tables.html> (Accessed October 8, 2018).+(Accessed+October+8,+2018).>Google Scholar
Wacquant, Loic (2000). The New ‘Peculiar Institution’: On the Prison as Surrogate Ghetto. Theoretical Criminology , 4: 377–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Weaver, Vesla M., and Lerman, Amy E. (2010). Political Consequences of the Carceral State. American Political Science Review , 104(4): 817–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Western, Bruce (2006). Punishment and Inequality in American Democracy. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.Google Scholar
Williams, Jakobi (2013). From the Bullet to the Ballot: The Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party and Racial Coalition Politics in Chicago. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press.Google Scholar
Zimring, Franklin E., and Johnson, David T. (2006). Public Opinion and the Governance of Punishment in Democratic Political Systems. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 605(1): 265–280.CrossRefGoogle Scholar