This article presents the findings of a study of unplanned and planned placement changes in foster care programs designed for restoration or time-limited assessment for long-term care. In this study, the causes of placement changes in the program are analysed to assess whether stability could be improved. The study was undertaken by examining computer records of placement changes over a 6-year period, in five Temporary Family Care (TFC) programs. Once these changes were identified, social workers were asked to describe the circumstances of the placement change for each named child. These were then categorised into two groups: unplanned and planned placement changes. Unplanned changes are those that were not anticipated at initial entry to care, nor during scheduled case reviews. The frequency of unplanned changes was 2% of all placements; within this group of unplanned changes no child had more than two unplanned moves and only 0.6% of children had two unplanned changes. Planned placement changes were those changes considered as part of routine case decision-making according to the requirements of the ‘Looking After Children’ (LAC) system. These changes occurred in 4.5% of all planned placements. Some children experienced both planned and unplanned changes. The changes were then categorised according to the reasons for change. Some placement changes appeared unavoidable. This finding leads to questions about whether instability can ever be entirely eliminated. The TFC programs appear to have a lower rate of breakdown than that reported in the literature; however, variations in study design make comparisons difficult.

The increasing predominance of practices associated with risk and ‘risk management’ within social work has been noted in recent years. Some writers have observed threats to fundamental values of social work and cite the problem of risk-aversion and excessive caution. In residential child care settings in Scotland, the author and colleagues noted an increasing problem of ‘risk averse’ practice in relation to very basic and nonrisky outdoor activities such as trips to the beach or cycling. This article gives an account of various policy and guidance responses that were developed as regulatory authorities began to recognise the dangers of over-protection and the growth of written ‘risk assessments’ within small-scale group homes that were intended to provide ‘homely’ care for children and young people. The article notes the contribution of training in social pedagogy, which has recently been undertaken by some residential staff in Scotland and elsewhere in the United Kingdom. One of the impacts of this training has been a reported decrease in risk-averse practice including a greater willingness to undertake outdoor activities. The reason why the adoption of a social pedagogic approach might challenge risk-averse practice is tentatively suggested.

This aim of this study was to compare the coping styles of adolescent males and females with the coping styles of their fathers and mothers respectively, extending on previous research by Lade, Frydenberg and Poole (1998) that compared the coping styles of older adolescent females with their mothers. To date, there has been a lack of clarity about how coping skills are acquired and this study helps to bridge a gap in the literature by directly comparing coping styles of parents with their children. Year 7 (n = 4; M age = 12) and Year 11 (n = 16; M age = 16) students, as well as their parent of the same gender, completed the Adolescent Coping Scale. Paired t tests and correlations revealed that adolescent children do not simply imitate the coping strategies used by their parents. Predictable age and gender-related differences were found between the parent and child groups, indicating that intra-individual and developmental factors may be a better determinant of adolescent coping than parent behaviour.

“Now I can actually play soccer with the young people without fearing that my colleagues think I am escaping the paper work.”

These were the words from a participant in a social pedagogy training course in England a few years ago. This understanding emerged through in-depth discussions and activities around key social pedagogical concepts, such as the ‘common third’, the ‘3Ps’, the ‘zone of proximal development’ and the ‘learning zone model’. In this article we will explore how a joint activity, for example, playing soccer, can be seen as a pedagogical activity and with what intentions it is undertaken to make it pedagogically purposeful.

Therapeutic residential care for children and young people is a service model being implemented in the Queensland out-of-home care sector. Many therapeutic models for residential care exist; however, three that have research supporting their use include the Sanctuary model, positive peer culture model and the dyadic developmental psychotherapy residential model. This article will first outline the three models, with particular focus on the principles, strategies, current implementation and research related to each. It will then introduce Anglin's theory of congruence (2002) and outline how consistently each model corresponds to this theory.

Little is understood about how adolescents with high-functioning autism spectrum disorders attempt to cope with problems. Six males between 13- and 17-years-old with Asperger syndrome or high-functioning autism completed an adapted Adolescent Coping Scale, the Social Skills Rating System, the Personal Wellbeing Index and a semistructured interview about the ways they coped. Parental reports on an adapted Adolescent Coping Scale and the Social Skills Rating System were also collected for four participants. Social skill and subjective wellbeing measures demonstrated a sample characterised by considerable variability between normative and less than normative ranges. Adolescents reported using a range of coping strategies, however they described their coping efforts as often ineffective. Parents also perceived that their sons used several nonproductive coping strategies more frequently. The results support that coping is a relevant area for future research attention with these young people and that the assessment of coping would be useful for targeted intervention practices.

As a home-based care option for children at risk of significant harm, kinship care placements are steadily increasing in Australia as they are in other western countries. This article describes a qualitative research study undertaken with 65 kin (relative) and kith (nonrelative) carers in Victoria in the years 2004–2007. The aims of the research were to explore the lived experience of carers and to understand their support needs. The findings distinguish similarities and differences between the experience of formal and informal grandparent carers, non-grandparent relative carers and nonrelative carers. The article discusses the role of caregiving for the different groups, family relationships, finances (having enough money, as well as having too little), relationships with government agencies, respite and peer support.

Guest Editors' Note

As a holistic way of working with children and young people to develop their learning and wellbeing, their inter-and independence, social pedagogy is widely practised across many European countries. While the ways in which it is practiced will differ — depending on the cultural context and setting — there are also common threads that connect the social pedagogic traditions found in several countries. Hämäläinen (2003) suggests that ‘social pedagogy has a certain perspective of its own [which] cannot be reduced to a set of simple pedagogical methods, but should be understood as an educational orientation in which the world, people, society, social problems and social work are observed through “social pedagogical” glasses, as it were’ (p. 76).

Adolescents diagnosed with a chronic illness such as type 1 diabetes mellitus (T1DM) face the typical physical and psychosocial challenges associated with adolescence, as well as the additional challenges of having to cope with the daily stressors of living with a chronic illness. In order to explore coping strategies in this population of adolescents, and to compare the constructs with those identified by the Adolescent Coping Scale (ACS), four focus groups were conducted with 13 adolescents with T1DM. The qualitative data was analysed using content analysis and grouped according to the ACS. Prevalent nonproductive coping strategies included Tension Reduction (the use of maladaptive techniques to reduce tension/stress), Ignore the Problem and Keep to Self. Prevalent productive coping strategies included Seek Social Support, Physical Recreation and Seek Relaxing Diversions. The qualitative data not only affirmed the conceptual areas of the ACS for use with adolescents with T1DM, but also highlighted the need to teach coping strategies to adolescents with T1DM to give them an additional skill set to help them better manage the challenges of diabetes.

This article reports a study on the experiences of positive changes after stressful events described by siblings of children with special needs. These positive changes are referred to as stress-related growth. While much of the research on siblings of children with special needs has focused on understanding the adjustment difficulties they experience, growing evidence suggests that families of children with special needs can experience positive changes. Twenty-five adolescents were asked to describe an event associated with their brother/sister with special needs and to provide ratings on a series of measures of stress, coping and stress-related growth. Five families were interviewed to gain insights into their world. Their stories suggest the possibility of thriving in a family with a child with special needs, and the role of positive family factors in fostering stress-related growth. The study also indicates the need for families and professionals to acknowledge the needs of siblings of children with special needs and to promote productive coping and effective communication and problem-solving skills.

Guest Editors' Note

One of the most central principles for social pedagogues is to critically examine their role and the purpose of their practice: What are the social aspects of relevance for their practice? How can they help the children they work with to develop social competences, to feel included in a social network and the wider society, to have a sense of belonging and take more responsibility for their community? To what extent must social pedagogues be advocates for those marginalised within society, be a critical voice that challenges social inequalities? And on the other hand, what pedagogical aspects are important within their work context? How can they create learning opportunities that prepare children and young people for many aspects of life? To what extent are they expected to be formative and socialise children and young people to fit in, and to what extent must their practice nurture the individual's autonomous development? These are not easy questions to answer, and they need to be asked over and over as the answers will change, depending on the individual with whom social pedagogues work, but also their work context and, importantly, the wider societal–political framework, which might make particular aspects more relevant at times.

In June 2010 the Secretary of State for Education in England asked Professor Eileen Munro, Professor of Social Policy at the London School of Economics, to conduct an independent review of child protection in England. As Professor Munro says in her third and final report, she: ‘sets out recommendations that taken together, will help to reform the child protection system from being over bureaucratised and concerned with compliance to one that keeps a focus on children, checking whether they are being effectively helped, and adapting when problems are identified.’ This article, which is a selective review of the final report, firstly cites the principles of an effective child protection system and then the principles to guide ‘risk-sensible’ decision-making as put forward in the report. It concludes with the 15 major recommendations of the Munro report and makes some comment and comparisons with recent Australian state- and territory-based reviews of child protection services.