In this short paper I shall seek to determine the empirical support for two hypotheses about the social sources of continentalism.

When compared to research on the family and the school, the study of peer groups within the context of political socialization is a relatively neglected area. Somewhat more concern for peer-group effects has been indicated by non-political social scientists, especially social psychologists. But even though some of their work is suggestive, its application is often marginal for explaining political attitudes. Just as the existing theory on peer-group political socialization is weak, so are the existing data and analysis. The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature and extent of peer-group socialization among German students. This analysis is based on a survey of student attitudes at the University of Cologne. The survey is a random sample of 855 respondents and was carried out in 1968.

This paper examines the relationship of social class, ethnicity, and voting in the city of Winnipeg in the 1945 provincial election. Our data sources were the 1946 census and provincial election returns. The Winnipeg provincial constituency was selected for a number of reasons. In 1945, it corresponded to the city of Winnipeg boundaries, thus permitting the correlation of the 1946 Census of the Prairie Provinces data with the October 1945 voting results. Second, it had both a large number of non-British voters and candidates, which allowed a test for the importance of ethnic voting. Third, Winnipeg had (and has) a large working-class population and pockets of upper-class areas, permitting a test for the importance of class voting. Finally, as a multi-member constituency returning 10 members, a system of proportional representation was employed. With 20 candidates in the running for 10 seats, 15 ballot transfers were necessary before all 10 candidates were declared elected. An examination of these ballot transfers permits a corroborating test for class and ethnic voting.

In recent years a significant beginning has been made in the investigation into the processes of recruitment of authorities within the Canadian political system. The focus of these studies has been on elective offices at the federal and provincial levels and on party activists. Only limited research has been devoted to the processes by which local decision-makers are recruited. Other than the partial analysis of local leadership selection by Harold Kaplan in his study of Toronto politics and the cursory treatment of this subject by J.G. Joyce and H.A. Hosse in their general survey of city councillors throughout Canada, empirical data about the recruitment of Canadian local decision-makers is confined to the level of social back ground analysis. The remainder of our information about local leadership selection tends to be in the form of hypotheses derived from data generated by the more extensive research on the recruitment of city councilmen in American cities. Although these propositions are useful because of certain shared structural characteristics between Canadian urban political systems and their American counterparts, they remain largely untested in the Canadian urban context and we run the risk of ignoring possible differences in the recruitment processes caused by factors endemic to each system.

Dans un article publié dans un numéro récent de la Revue, David Kwavnick utilise « l'affaire Lapalme » pour démontrer que les dirigeants d'un groupe d'intérêt peuvent poursuivre des objectifs spécifiques qui vont à l'encontre des intérêts de leurs membres ou de leurs organisations affiliées. L'auteur soutient que: « The leadership of the Confederation of National Trade Unions (cntu) used the Lapalme drivers and their dispute with the government of Canada to pursue their own dispute with the government and with the Canadian Labour Congress (clc) in the matter of national bargaining units. It is here contended that the cntu leadership risked, and ultimately sacrificed, the most vital interests of the Lapalme drivers in a dispute which ultimately concerned only those leaders’ ambitions for organizational aggrandizement. »

The construction of national survey samples in Canada involves a number of theoretical and practical problems that range well beyond purely statistical considerations. Sample sizes for instance will tend to be large in comparison with those employed in many other nations not for greater accuracy but primarily because of the sheer diversity and geographical dispersion of the Canadian population. Likewise, the high cost of survey research at the national level in Canada virtually dictates that substantial efforts be made to achieve an “optimum” design for any single study. The purpose of this note therefore is to outline in brief the several considerations which underlay the design of a national sample for the post-election survey which will be carried out under our direction following the federal election of July 1974. It is offered as a commentary on the steps that were taken to provide a sample design consistent with the research focus of the project. The design has a number of important implications for both primary and secondary analysis of what will be the third national election study to be carried out in Canada. Each of these studies has followed particular theoretical interests, in all cases having important implications for potential use of the data set by other analysts.

The various subtables of Table i, or some variant of them, must be familiar to every teacher and to every student of Canadian voting behaviour. While most of our history books, and certainly all of our current concerns, focus on cultural differences in Canada, all our voting and party identification data suggest that the primary line of political division is between Roman Catholics and non-Catholics. The leftmost tables in the two rows of Table i indicate that religious differences are approximately three times as strong as ethnic ones, regardless of the index chosen. The percentage difference in Liberal identifiers is 20 across religious categories, but only 6 across the ethnic ones; the phi coefficient is.21 as compared to.06, while Yule's Q is.42 as opposed to.13. Nor is this simply an artifact. The same finding shows up for vote as for party identification, for a linguistic dichotomy as for an ethnicity dichotomy, and for undichotomized as for dichotomized variables. Similarly, the religious dichotomy need not be imposed, but emerges quite freely when similar data are analysed with the aid program. Indeed, one need not depend on using dichotomies at all, though the analysis becomes more complex. In each case, however, the basic generalization holds.

The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism sponsored 165 research studies, which were carried out in the years 1964–7. Of these, 24 were published by the Commission and distributed widely through the services of Information Canada. Publication proceeded in two series: “Research Studies of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism,” and “Research Documents of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism.” The first series was comprised of studies which it was considered should be available in both official languages. The second series included studies judged to be of more specialized interest; these were published in the language of the author. Both series, listed in order of publication and by author and title, are set out in Table i.

Political socialization is defined as the acquisition of orientations, beliefs, and values relating to the political system of which an individual is a part. In this study we are concerned with political knowledge about one of David Easton's major components of a political system: the authorities.

A calculation similar in manner to that employed by the Advisory Committee on Election Expenses, and by the author for earlier elections, reveals that a conservative estimate of over-all spending by political parties and candidates in the 1972 federal general election campaign would have amounted to well over $31 million. To complete the picture of the cash outlay on the federal electoral process one should add the $20,435,277.54 spent by the chief electoral officer on the 1972 federal general election, as well as the value of free broadcasting time supplied to parties and candidates by the publicly owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and the private stations. (In addition, the unknown costs of obtaining a party's nomination by constituency candidates and the pro-rated costs of the representation commissioner and electoral boundary commissioners calculated by Professor Norman Ward at $200,000 per election must be computed in order to arrive at the full cost of the electoral process.)

Depuis l'émergence du socialisme (du type léniniste) hors des frontières d'un seul pays et la formation du camp socialiste è la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, c'est-à-dire, depuis un peu plus de 25 ans seulement, de nombreux conflits ont surgi dans les relations entre l'Union Soviétique et les nouveaux Etats socialistes. Sur les 13 Etats socialistes qui existent actuellement dans le monde, outre l'urss, 8 d'entre eux, c'est-à-dire, la majorité, ont eu des conflits plus ou moins aigus selon les cas, dans leurs relations avec celleci. Ce fut d'abord, le conflit soviéto-yougo-slave de 1948, puis les crises de Pologne et de Hongrie en 1956, les conflits avec l'Albanie et la Chine qui ont commencé, ouvertement en 1960 et qui durent toujours, le conflit avec la Roumanie qui a commencé en 1962 au sujet de l'intégration économique de l'Europe de l'Est, qui a changé de forme par la suite et qui n'est peut-être pas encore terminé, le conflit avec Cuba sur la stratégie révolutionnaire en Amérique latine, qu'on peut situer de 1965 à 1968, et enfin, la crise de Tchécoslovaquie de 1968. Les moins aigus de ces conflits sont ceux qui sont survenus dans les relations de l'urss avec la Roumanie et avec Cuba.