¹ Corey, Lewis, “The Middle Class,” The Antioch Review, (Spring, 1945), 1–20Google Scholar; and Wright Mills, C., While Collar (New York, 1956), 3–76.Google Scholar

² Lipset, Seymour M., “Social Stratification and ‘Right-Wing Extremism,’” British Journal of Sociology, 10 (1959), 1–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar, “The Radical Right: A Problem for American Democracy,” British Journal of Sociology, 6(155), 176–209, and Political Man (New York, 1963), chap. 5; Parsons, Talcott, “Some Sociological Aspects of the Fascist Movement,” in his Essays of Sociological Theory (Glencoe, 1954), 133–4Google Scholar; Trow, Martin, “Small Businessmen, Political Tolerance and Support For McCarthy,” American Journal of Sociology, 64 (1958), 270–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kornhauser, William, The Politics of Mass Society (Glencoe, 1959), 194–211Google Scholar; The Radical Right, ed. Bell, Daniel, (New York, 1964)Google Scholar; Hofstadter, Richard, “The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt,” American Scholar, 24 (1954), 9–27Google Scholar; Mills, White Collar, chap. 3; Bunzel, John H., The American Small Businessman (New York, 1962)Google Scholar, and “The General Ideology of American Small Business,” Political Science Quarterly, 70 (1955), 87–102; Shils, Edward A., The Torment of Secrecy (Glencoe, 1955)Google Scholar; Campbell, Peter, “Le Mouvement Poujade,” Parliamentary Affairs, 10 (1957), 362–77Google Scholar; and Ehrmann, Henry W., Organized Business in France (Princeton, 1957).Google Scholar

³ In essence this research is attempting to test the predictability of each theory.

⁴ Kornhauser, The Politics of Mass Society; Trow, “Small Businessmen, Political Tolerance and Support for McCarthy,”; Gusfield, Joseph, “Mass Society and Extremism,” American Sociological Review, XXVII (February, 1962), 19–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Joel I. Nelson, “Anomie: Comparisons Between the Old and New Middle Class,” Amercian Journal of Sociology, 74, 184–5.

⁵ Nelson, “Anomie: Comparisons Between the Old and New Middle Class.”

⁶ Bunzell, The American Small Businessman; Rogers, D. and Berg, I. E., “Occupation and Ideology: The Case of the Small Businessman,” Human Organizations, 6 (1961)Google Scholar; Rohrer, W.C. and Douglas, L.H., The Agrarian Transition in American (New York, 1969)Google Scholar; Haer, John L., “Conservatism-Radicalism and the Rural-Urban Continuum,” Rural Sociology, 17 (December, 1952), 343–7Google Scholar; and Lipset, Political Man.

⁷ To complete the analysis it would have been useful to have four more groups: rural employees of non-bureaucratic organizations; rural managers in bureaucratic organizations; rural employees in bureaucratic organizations; and urban managers of non-bureaucratic organizations. In our sample we were able to find 14 in the first group but they were dropped from the analysis because of their small number. It was impossible to find any of the remaining three groups in the sample area.

⁸ Some Implications of Value Differentiation in Pharmacy,” Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 3, no. 1 (February, 1966), 23–37.

⁹ “Retail Pharmacy: Professional Contingencies in Business Settings,” (phd dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1968).

¹⁰ “Occupational Structure and Criminal Behavior: Prescription Violation by Retail Pharmacists,” Social Problems, 11 (Fall, 1963), 179–85.

¹¹ The term “qualified pharmacist” refers to those so designated by the government of the province of Alberta and who were members of the Alberta Pharmaceutical Association.

¹² The population of Edmonton in 1966 was 401,299 with a growth rate of 18.9 per cent over the 1961–6 period. The National growth rate for the same period was 9.7 per cent, as seen in the 1967 Canada Year Book, published by the Dominion Bureau of Statistics (Ottawa, 1968).

¹³ Toward a Definition of the Extreme Right,” Pacific Sociological Review, 6 (1963), 86–92, “Status Consistency and Right-Wing Extremism,” American Sociological Review, 32 (1967), 86–92, “Insert for the Expanded Version of Status Consistency and Right-Wing Extremism,” in draft, and “Crystalization and Right-Wing Extremist Attitudes,” (phd dissertation, University of Oregon, 1965).

¹⁴ A question may arise as to the applicability of Rush's scale to Alberta. Even though his empirical study was done on the west coast of the United States the theoretical base of his scale was derived from the work of scholars who have analysed the extreme right in terms of western capitalistic society rather than American society alone. For example, Lipset has discussed the characteristics and attitudes of the extreme right across Europe and the United States. Since such theoretical analysis would seem to be equally valid for Canadian society and, given the “face validity” of the items, the use of Rush's scale seems justified. Also, from a practical viewpoint it is one of a very few existing scales which have attempted to empirically measure this ideology.

¹⁵ Helmstodter, G.C., Principles of Psychological Measurement (New York, 1964), 85.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Garson, David G., Handbook of Political Science Methods, (Boston, 1971), 151.Google Scholar

¹⁷ The total sample was comprised of 388 respondents. In the separation of the data into the five basic groups, 367 respondents were thus classified. Twenty-one of the respondents did not fall into any of the five categories.

¹⁸ See Winer, B.J., Statistical Principles in Experimental Design (New York, 1962), 102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁹ This research examined the possible effects of age, religion, ethnic origin and social back-ground, size of home, and community and marital status on right-wing extremism. Sex and activity in church membership were isolated as two variables which significantly relate to right-wing extremism. Further analysis showed that differences between the five groups were present which could be attributed to these two variables. It was found that the above differences among the five groups were maintained and strengthened with respondents who were either female or inactive church members. The relationship of church activity to political beliefs is some-what consistent with other findings but the relationship between sex and right-wing ideology is new. The results of relating sex and right-wing extremism is in draft.

²⁰ The modern franchise system, in its various forms, is an important economic instrument that may increase the economic security and decrease the complexity and uncertainty of small business. This method of business operation may increase the chances of small business success by (1) increasing the probabilities of a stable market, (2) standardizing and rationalizing operations and managerial decision, and (3) providing essential services. Also, through the franchise system the small businessman has, to some degree, become an integral part of big business within the local community. He is an important appendage to big business and has a direct stake in the success of the giant corporation.

In summary the franchise system may be an important factor decreasing economic insecurity and alienation and thus decreasing the small businessman's susceptibility to right-wing extremism.

²¹ It should be recognized that there is a small sample of only four urban owners in sales over $150,000.

²² Again, there is the small sample size of only four urban owners.

²³ “Anomie: Comparisons Between the Old and New Middle Class.”

²⁴ See Lipset, “The Radical Right: A Problem for American Democracy,” The British Journal of Sociology, 176–209.

²⁵ Lipset, Seymour M., The First New Nation (New York, 1963), 251.Google Scholar

²⁶ The above summary of Canadian values is from Clark, S.D., The Developing Canadian Community (Toronto, 1968)Google Scholar and Lipset, Seymour M., “Revolution and Counter-Revolution - The United States and Canada,” in The Revolutionary Theme in Contemporary America, ed. Ford, Thomas R. (Lexington, Kentucky, 1965) 21–64.Google Scholar