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IV Wenlok's Household Ordinances

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 December 2009

Extract

Wauter par la grace Deu abbe de Westm', a tuz ses leals, saluz. Pur co qe necessarie est a checun home qe doit hostel tenir qe il eit certein ordre pur la garde de son hostel e son honor meintenir, voloms e ordinoms qe le ordre desuz escrit soit en [tuz] poinz en nostre hostel meintenu. Primes qe nus eoms certeins recevours de nos deners en gros des baylifs e des provoz de totes noz teres. E qe eels facent tayles vers les baylifs e vers les provoz de checune receite par soy, issi qe ren ne soit livere en chef fors a els, e qe nule tayle de liveree sur aconte des maners desoremes soit alowee fors qe les tayles des avantdiz recevours. E qe eels recevours ne facent nule liveree fors par nostre lettre patente. E qe les gardeins de nostre hostel prengent de eels recevours en grosses sommes deners pur fere les purveances de nostre hostel solom co qe il verront qe plus soit a nostre profit. E qe les chef recevours prengent de checune liveree qe il front as gardeins de nostre hostel tayle qe il unt tant receu pur les despens de hostel. E qe il pusent par cele tayle estre sur lor aconte resonablement chargez. E qe les despens de hostel soient acontez devant les gent de offices checune nuit en la presence le senescal del hostel, le quel avera contreroule de totes les despenses ausi ben de chambre com del hostel. E sil avenge qe le senescal del hostel soit nule part hors par nostre conge ou par nostre comandement, qe le roule del hostel soit clos desuz son sel deks a son revenir, denz quel tens soient entrez les despens del hostel devant les genz de ofices en un roule par soy. E a revenir le senescal soient eels despens examinez e entrez en le roule principal, issi qe ren ne soit entrez en le roule principal fors en la presence lavandit senescal, quel roule soit ensele checune nuit apres laconte du sel le senescal. Estre [co] voloms e ordinoms qe par le conseil de nos senescals des teres e de nostre hostel soient les purveances fetes e les acrez en les maners ou nus bioms a sorjorner solom co qe il verront qe plus soit a nostre honor e a nostre profit. Estre co voloms qe nostre senescal des teres face pleinement son ofice de hors sicom apent e qe il eit apres nus meigmes les comandemenz parmi nos maners e qe tuz les baylifs e provoz soient a ly entendanz.

Type
Text
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1965

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References

page 241 note a MS. illegible.

page 241 note b fors, interlined.

page 241 note 1 Cf. the nightly hearing of accounts in the king's household before the treasurer of the Wardrobe (Fleta, ed. H. G. Richardson and G. O. Sayles, ii (Selden Society, lxxii, 1955 for 1953Google Scholar), Bk. ii, cap. 14; Tout, , Chapters, ii, pp. 160–61Google Scholar). The earliest counter roll to survive at Westminster Abbey belongs to the year 1275–1276 (W.A.M. 24489).

page 242 note 1 As soon as profit calculations began on the abbot's manors—and the first extant calculation was made at ‘Eye’ in 1292 (W.A.M. 26856)—it became necessary to set a value on stock delivered to the household. For a few years Wenlok's auditors were not content simply to value the liveries when making the calculations but required them to be entered as fictitious sales in the ministers' accounts. Tallies showing the value of the corn or stock were cut at the time of delivery to the household, and these the reeves produced at their account; ‘sales’ were entered twice in the account—once as a receipt and once with the liberaciones denariorum as an expense. It may be to this strict practice that Wenlok's ordinances here allude.

The first fictitious sales appear in the accounts for Bourton-on-the-Hill, Sutton-under-Brailes, Todenham and Yeoveney in 1290–91 (W.A.M. 8242; Gloucester County Records Office, 1099/M31/9; W.A.M. 25917, 16833). The practice immediately lapsed or was observed imperfectly, but in 1295 it was revived and for the next two years was observed carefully on all abbatial manors for which accounts survive (W.A.M. 8246–47, 14782, 16837–38, 25924, 27111; Gloucester County Records Office, 1099/M31/13–14). It was not observed carefully again until Abbot Nicholas de Littlington revived it in the 1370's (W.A.M. 26926 ff., 14807 ff., 24514 ff., etc.).

page 243 note a ? autre, MS.

page 243 note b MS. torn.

page 244 note a les, interlined.

page 244 note b en nule, repeated but struck out.

page 244 note c Reading doubtful.

page 244 note 1 31 Oct.

page 245 note d dekes ho, struck out.

page 246 note 1 In four instances robes enteres are specified; the other robes appear, therefore to be single garments, not whole suits or dresses.

page 246 note 2 Agnes, called ‘spicer’, widow of Philip ‘spicer’ of Wenlock (Pearce, , Walter de Wenlok, pp. 49 ff.Google Scholar). Philip died before 1290 (ibid.); Agnes was still alive in 1298 (Westminster Domesday, fo. 407).

page 246 note 3 Edith de Wenlok (W.A.M. 8247). She died in 1307 (above, p. 207).

page 246 note 4 Reginald de Sancto Albano, proctor for Wenlok at the papal curia in 1287–88 and perhaps also in 1290(Pearce, , op. cit., pp. 4546Google Scholar; above, p. 186; see also W.A.M. 5726). Rector of Chelsea, which he was licensed to hold in plurality in 1290; later a papal chaplain (Cal. Papal Registers, Papal Letters, i, p. 509Google Scholar; ibid., ii, p. 1). The abbot and convent of Westminster held the advowson of this church.

page 246 note 5 Presumably James Brabazoni of the Society of the Bonsignori of Siena, the Italian banker whom Wenlok chiefly employed (W.A.M. 28803, 28809, 28811, etc.).

page 246 note 6 A London pepperer (Thrupp, , Merchant Class of Medieval London, p. 364Google Scholar, ‘Romayn’; Williams, , Medieval London: from Commune to Capital, p. 143Google Scholar). In his will he left 100 marks to Westminster Abbey (Cal. of Wills enrolled in the Court of Husting, London, i, p. 238Google Scholar, ‘Romayn’).

page 246 note 7 Mentioned in the abbot's service from 1293 (W.A.M. 25920). His special charge may have been the abbot's scholar nephews, whom on one occasion he conducted to Oxford (I. 101, note). Said to be parson of Todenham in 1306 (Register of Bishop William Ginsborough, 1303 to 1307, ed. J. W. Willis Bund (Worcs. Hist. Soc., 1907), p. 235Google Scholar, ‘Carewell’). Todenham church had been appropriated by Westminster Abbey. See Emden, , Biographical Reg. of the University of Oxford, ii, p. 1026.Google Scholar

page 246 note 8 Wenlok had at least three nephews—John le Verrer (I.184 and note) and two named William. Of the latter, one was probably the William son of Adam of I. 313; the other was a clerk named William de Wenlok mentioned in the abbot's service in 1297 and 1298 (above, p. 30 and note). Pearce (Walter de Wenlok, p. 60Google Scholar) tentatively suggests that the two Williams may have been identical, but this is unlikely. Roger de Prestinden, who is described as nostre parent in I. 112, may also have been a nephew. We do not know the names of the scholar nephews, but we know that Roger de Prestinden was studying at Oxford in 1287 (I. 6, ‘Prestedon’). One nephew was still at Oxford in 1301 or 1302, when he had an inception feast (W.A.M. 8251, 25931).

page 247 note 9 William son of Hugh de Clun (I. 18). Apparently one of the abbot's clerks (I. 318). He was married (Pearce, , op. cit., p. 63Google Scholar).

page 247 note 1 The clerk who wrote the ministers' accounts for the abbot's manors and assisted at their audit.

page 247 note 2 Presumably the clerk to the principal steward of the household.

page 247 note 3 The bailiff of Islip was also chaplain of St Edward the Confessor's chapel there (W.A.M. 14776 ff.; V.C.H. Oxon., vi, p. 217Google Scholar).

page 247 note 4 Possibly the nephew and clerk named William de Wenlok who was in the abbot's service in 1297 and 1298 (above, p. 30 and note). But this identification is not certain; although for some purposes a clerk might rank as an esquire, in this list clerks appear to have been put in the miscellaneous group which precedes the esquires.

page 247 note 5 Probably William de Aqua, formerly coroner for Westminster Abbey, and a steward of the household between 1286 and 1289 (above, p. 26 and note).

page 247 note 6 A single official seems to be intended, but for part of the year 1289–90 Wenlok employed both a stipendiary baker and a stipendiary brewer; each received a yeoman's stipend (above, pp. 174, 185).

page 247 note 7 Reeve of ‘Eye’ from a date between 1281 and 1291 until 1302 (W.A.M. 26855–67).

page 247 note 8 Reeve of Laleham from a date between 1277 and 1287 until 1293 or 1294 (W.A.M. 27105–11; I.48). Serjeant of Todenham from 20 Feb. 1295 until Sept. 1298 (W.A.M. 25922–27).

page 247 note a Hole in MS.; the place named was probably Wick.

page 248 note a Sic in MS.; but two chaplains are mentioned above (p. 246).

page 248 note b Hole in MS.

page 248 note c The rest of the MS. is written in a later hand and on the left half only of the membrane.

page 248 note d MS. illegible; there followed x quart' vij bus', but this has been struck out.

page 248 note e MS. illegible.

page 248 note 1 The list implies that there was only one cart, but the household day-accounts refer to two, one of which carried the kitchen equipment (W.A.M. 24490–96, 24500–2; and see above, pp. 167, 175, 185, where reference is made to the kitchen carter).