Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-c4f8m Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-23T18:14:50.676Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

When Do Voters Punish Corrupt Politicians? Experimental Evidence from a Field and Survey Experiment

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 May 2022

Miguel F.P. de Figueiredo*
Affiliation:
School of Law, University of Connecticut, Hartford, USA
F. Daniel Hidalgo
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, USA
Yuri Kasahara
Affiliation:
Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research, Oslo Metropolitan University, Oslo, Norway.
*
*Corresponding author. Email: mdefig@uconn.edu

Abstract

When do voters punish corrupt politicians? Heterogeneous views about the importance of corruption can determine whether or not increased information enhances accountability. If partisan cleavages correlate with the importance voters place on corruption, then the consequences of information may vary by candidate, even when voters identify multiple candidates as corrupt. We provide evidence of this mechanism from a field experiment in a mayoral election in Brazil where a reputable interest group declared both candidates corrupt. We distributed fliers in the runoff mayoral election in São Paulo. Informing voters about the challenger's record reduced turnout by 1.9 percentage points and increased the opponent's vote by 2.6 percentage points. Informing voters about the incumbent's record had no effect on behavior. We attribute this divergent finding to differences in how each candidate's supporters view corruption. Using survey data and a survey experiment, we show that the challenger's supporters are more willing to punish their candidate for corruption, while the incumbent's supporters lack this inclination.

Type
Letter
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Anduiza, E, Gallego, A and Muñoz, J (2013) Turning a blind eye: experimental evidence of partisan bias in attitudes toward corruption. Comparative Political Studies 46(12), 16641692.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Arias, E et al. (2018) Priors rule: when do malfeasence revelations help and hurt incumbent parties. NBER Working Paper Series, n. 24888, 1–50. https://www.nber.org/papers/w24888CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Banerjee, A et al. (2014) Are poor voters indifferent to whether elected leaders are criminal or corrupt? A vignette experiment in rural India. Political Communication 31(3), 391407.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chong, A et al. (2014) Does corruption information inspire the fight or quash the hope? A field experiment in Mexico on voter turnout, choice, and party identification. The Journal of Politics 77(1), 5571.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
de Figueiredo, MFP, Hidalgo, FD and Kasahara, Y (2022) When Do Voters Punish Corrupt Politicians? Experimental Evidence from a Field and Survey Experiment, https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/PQ4JEZ, Harvard Dataverse, V1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dunning, T et al. (2019) Voter information campaigns and political accountability: cumulative findings from a preregistered meta-analysis of coordinated trials. Science Advances 5(7), 110. Available from https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aaw2612CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Eggers, AC et al. (2014) Partisanship and electoral accountability: evidence from the UK expenses scandal. Quarterly Journal of Political Science 9(4), 441472.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gonzalez Ocantos, E, de Jonge, CK and Nickerson, DW (2014) The conditionality of vote-buying norms: experimental evidence from Latin America. American Journal of Political Science 58(1), 197211.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hunter, W (2010) The Transformation of the Workers’ Party in Brazil, 1989–2009. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Klašnja, M and Tucker, JA (2013) The economy, corruption, and the vote: evidence from experiments in Sweden and Moldova. Electoral Studies 32(3), 536543.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McCann, JA and Redlawsk, DP (2006) As voters head to the polls, will they perceive a “culture of corruption?” PS: Political Science & Politics 39(4), 797802.Google Scholar
Montero, AP (2010) No country for leftists? Clientelist continuity and the 2006 vote in the Brazilian northeast. Journal of Politics in Latin America 2(2), 113153.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pande, R (2011) Can informed voters enforce better governance? Experiments in low-income democracies. Annual Review of Economics 3(1), 215237.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pimentel, J Jr and Penteado, CLC (2011) Predisposições, avaliação de governo e campanha eleitoral: a vitória de kassab em são paulo. In Lavareda, A and Telles, HS (eds.), Como o eleitor escolhe seu prefeito: campanha e voto nas eleições municipais, São Paulo, Brazil: Editora FGV, pp. 2248.Google Scholar
Power, TJ and Rodrigues-Silveira, R (2019) The political Right and party politics. In Ames, B (ed.), Routledge Handbook of Brazilian Politics. New York, NY: Routledge, pp. 251268.Google Scholar
Rundquist, BS, Strom, GS and Peters, JG (1977) Corrupt politicians and their electoral support: some experimental observations. American Political Science Review 71(3), 954963.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Samuels, D (2004) From socialism to social democracy: party organization and the transformation of the Workers’ Party in Brazil. Comparative Political Studies 37(9), 9991024.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: Link

de Figueiredo et al. Dataset

Link
Supplementary material: PDF

de Figueiredo et al. supplementary material

Appendix

Download de Figueiredo et al. supplementary material(PDF)
PDF 590.7 KB