This article is an expanded version of a lecture given at Ushaw College in April 1994 as part of the commemoration of the fourth centenary of the death of Cardinal Allen and the second centenary of the College's arrival in Durham.

¹ Knox DD, p. civ.

² Camm, Dom Bede O.S.B., William Cardinal Allen. London 1914 pp. 152–4.Google Scholar

³ Allen to the Rector of Louvain University 11 September 1578 and to Philip II 19 March 1587. Knox LM, pp. 50, 272–274.

⁴ Allen. A True, Sincere and Modest Defence of English Catholics. Chapter III. E.R.L, 68, p. 45.

⁵ E.R.L., 68, p. 34.

⁶ Although Hughes, Philip, ‘A Hierarchy that fought’ Clergy Review 18, (1940) pp. 25–39,Google Scholar recognised the new type of English bishop that emerged under Mary and Philip, it is only comparatively recently that a positive evaluation of Mary's reign has been undertaken. But neither Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars, New Haven/London 1992 nor Christopher Haigh, English Reformations, Oxford 1993 have anything to say about the Spanish and European influences at work during this period. Moreover, by including in its ambit all those who received orders according to the Catholic rite under Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary and the early part of Elizabeth's reign before the new religious settlement, the term ‘Marian priest’ has become somewhat devalued. Marian priests are compared disadvantageously with seminary priests. The real Marian priests were very like the first seminary priests.

⁷ Evennett, H. O., The Spirit of the Counter-Reformation, Edited with a postscript by John Bossy, Cambridge 1968.Google Scholar Olin, J. S., The Catholic Reformation: Savonarola to Ignatius, New York 1992.Google Scholar

⁸ Fenlon, D., Heresy and Obedience in Tridentine Italy: Cardinal Pole and the Counter Reformation. Cambridge 1972.Google Scholar

⁹ For an overview of this period see; Wright, A. D., The Counter-Reformation. London 1982.Google Scholar

¹⁰ However impolitic it might have been from an English point of view (and this is debateable since foreign consorts have been by no means uncommon in England) from the Catholic viewpoint it appeared to be a good way of connecting England once more with the Catholic nations of Europe and so combatting the Protestant reformation.

¹¹ These included: Alfonso de Castro O.F.M. (1495–1558) who had studied at Alcalá with Martin de Azpilcueta (Dr. Navarro) whose catechism was subsequently used at Douai College (see Knox LM, p. 66). de Castro was present at Trent and when the Council was suspended he was made royal preacher and accompanied Philip to England. In 1556 he brought out a new edition of his work against Luther and dedicated it to Philip. He was appointed Archbishop of Compostela but died before the papal bulls arrived. While in England he protested against some of the cruel measures taken against heretics. Dodd's Church History of England with notes, additions and a continuation by the Rev. M. A. Tiemey, five volumes, London 1839–1843. Vol. II p. 103.

Pedro de Soto O.P. (14957–1563) was confessor to Charles V and helped to set up the University of Dillengen in 1548. He left for England in 1555 at the request of Pole whom he had previously met in Germany. His experience of Protestant theology made him a suitable choice to replace Peter Martyr as professor of theology at Oxford. After only fifteen months he was recalled by the Emperor for consultation and he published his Defensio Catholicae Confessionis in Antwerp in 1557, a work he had written while in England. Carro, Venancio D. O.P. El Maestro Fr Pedro de Soto y las controversias político-teológicas en el siglo XVI. Tomo I Salamanca 1931.Google Scholar

Juan de Villagarcia O.P. (?–1560) one of the best known theologians in Spain and friend of Carranza was chosen to come to England with Philip II. His principal role was in university circles and he worked at both Oxford and Cambridge trying to undo the work of Peter Martyr and Martin Bucer and secure the condemnation of Cranmer. On the death of Mary he returned to Spain and became regent of the College of San Gregorio in Valladolid. He wrote several treatises against the Protestants. Like de Soto he attacked the writings of Johann Brenz whom Cranmer had wanted to invite to England.

Writings of de Castro, de Soto and Carranza were to be found in the libraries of English recusant exiles living in Louvain. See Coppens, C.. Reading in Exile. The Libraries of John Ramridge, Thomas Harding and Henry Joliffe. Cambridge 1993.Google Scholar

¹² Thanks to the researches of José Ignacio Tellechea Idigoras S.J. we can gain an insight as to how far Carranza was involved in the Marian restoration. His catechism having fallen into the hands of the Inquisition, Carranza was tried for heresy both in Spain and in Rome. This was a cause celebre since he was at this time Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain. During his trial his previous life was rigorously examined and from this documentation we can learn much about his sojurn in England. The documents are to be found in Fray Bartolomé Carranza. Documentos Históricos vols. I, II, III, Madrid 1962–66. (Archivo Documental Español XVIII, XIX, XXII.) Henceforth Tellechea D.H. For a general account of Carranza's period in England J. I. Tellechea Idigoras, Fray Bartolomé Carranza y Cardenal Pole Pamplona 1977 and Paolo Simoncelli, Il Caso Reginald Pole, Roma 1977 especially pp. 221–234. As a postscript one can mention that in October 1993 at the church of Santa Maria Sopra Minerva in Rome the remains of Carranza were exhumed and translated by Cardinal Marcelo Gonzalez, the present Primate of Spain to his cathedral at Toledo.

¹³ Copies of his Summa Conciliorum were to be found in the libraries of Ramridge and Harding at Louvain. Coppens, Reading in Exile. The martyr Everard Haunse in a letter to his brother refers to being in possession of someone else's copy of the Summa Conciliorum. Allen. A Brief History of the Glorious martyrdom of Twelve Reverend Priests. Chapter XI.

¹⁴ The new foundations included: the Franciscans at Greenwich, the Carthusians at Sheen, the Dominicans at Smithfield, the Benedictines at Westminster, the Bridgettines at Syon, the Dominican nuns at Kings Langley. By the summer of 1557 six new religious foundations had been established at a cost to the crown of £2,000. Knowles, M. D. The Religious Orders in England, vol. III, chapter 34;Google Scholar Tellechea, Fray Bartolomé Carranza y El Cardenal Pole, p. 65.

¹⁵ For the story of the catechism see Bartolomé Carranza Comentarios sobre el Catechismo Christiano 2 vols. Critical edition with historical introduction by J. Tellechea Idigoras. Madrid 1972. Williams, M. E., ‘The Black Friar and the Catechism. A Question of Words and Meaning.’ New Blackfriars vol. 56, pp. 121–129.Google Scholar (March 1975).

¹⁶ This point is made by Tellechea ‘El Formulario de visita pastoral de Bartolomé Carranza’, Anthologia Annua, 14, (1956), pp. 385–437.Google Scholar

¹⁷ as Loades, D. The Reign of Mary Tudor. 2nd edition, London 1991, p. 297.Google Scholar remarks, with the exception of Juan de Villagarcia and Pedro de Soto who were appointed to the chairs of Divinity and Hebrew at Oxford, no Spanish cleric was promoted in the English church or appeared in any official capacity.

¹⁸ Tellechea D.H. III, p. 22.

¹⁹ Tellechea D.H. pp. 23–24, 26, 127.

²⁰ Tellechea D.H. pp. 27, 29.

²¹ Sir Thomas Pope founder of Trinity College intended to appoint Allen as a fellow of his society. He was acting on a recommendation of Cardinal Pole. Wood, Anthony, Athenae Oxoniensi vol. 1, col. 616 Google Scholar (1813 edition).

²² Gregory Martin had been one of the first students at St. Johns. Richard White formerly of New Hall was Regius Professor of canon and civil law at Douai. Allen was also a Regius Professor. The ‘Rex’ who appointed at both Oxford and Douai was the same Philip II.

²³ See Allen's letter to the Prior of the English Carthusians Knox LM, pp. 31–37 and his letter to Vendeville, Knox LM, pp. 52–67. The reference to ‘no great proficiency in learning’ has sometimes been understood as an admission of lower standards obtaining at Douai than elsewhere. It is hardly likely that Allen would have admitted this. More probable it is that he is indicating that at Douai the students are not preparing for a life of study and scholarship, but for an active pastoral ministry. Certainly they were instructed in ‘controversy’ which demanded more than a superficial knowledge of theology.

²⁴ Rheims New Testament appeared in 1582, the Douai Bible in 1609.

²⁵ In his treatise made in defence of the lawful power and authority of the priesthood to remit sins (Louvain 1567). E.R.L., 99, p. 157, is a marginal note on Pedro de Soto's dispute with Johann Brenz and reference to Defensio Catholkae Confessionis. The same Brenz is referred to in his work on purgatory E.R.L., 18, pp. 240–1. Brenz (1499–1570), a follower of Luther and defenderof the Confession of Augsburg, became engaged in controversy with de Soto when they were teaching at Dillengen.

²⁶ There was talk of a marriage between Elizabeth and Philip II and the Pope was said to have preferred Elizabeth to her sister Mary. She was even invited to Trent but she refused and was never given a second chance. Meyer, O, England and the Catholic Church under Elizabeth, translated by McKee, J. R., 1967 edition, with introduction by John Bossy.Google Scholar

²⁷ John Jewel letter to Henry Builinger May 22 1559. Works of John Jewel, vol. 4, p. 1212, Parker Society, 1850.

²⁸ Allen gives an account of his stay in England in a letter to Vendeville, Knox LM, pp. 56–7. An English translation of this letter is to be found in Knox DD, pp. xxii-xxiv. A draft of the Queen's writ to the Sheriff of Lancaster for the apprehension of Allen is printed in Knox LM, p. 21.

²⁹ For an account of the development of theology at Louvain see Willaert, Léopold S.J. ‘Après le Concile de Trente. La restauration catholique 1563–1688’ vol 18, Histoire de l'Eglise (Fliche-Martin), Paris 1960, pp. 235 ss.Google Scholar

³⁰ Allen could not have been ignorant of this dispute since the name of Baius crops up in a letter of his to Agazzari, July 18, 1582 concerning dictates from Baius’ lectures. Knox LM, pp. 149–150. Hessels is cited approvingly in Allen's treatise De Sacramentis. Balthasar Perez O.P. informed the inquisition about certain Spanish residents in Louvain who held heterodox opinions. This led to immediate action by the King and in 1559 his pragmatic sanction forbade scholars to go abroad and study outside Spain.

³¹ Kamen, H., The Spanish inquisition, London 1965, pp. 77–80.Google Scholar

³² Vendeville was instrumental in the foundation of the new university at Douai and was a member of the King's Council in 1579. His closeness to the monarch made him enemies among his own people and he had to leave Douai in the same year as the English college migrated to Rheims. Biographie Nationale, tome 26, Bruxelles 1936–38, c. 575–8.

³³ Goyau, G. ‘L'Eglise en marche’. Etudes d'Histoire Missionaire Paris 1928, pp. 55–88.Google Scholar

³⁴ Knox DD, p. xxviii.

³⁵ Pollen, J. H.. The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth 1558–1580, London 1920, pp. 246–250.Google Scholar A begging letter of the English in Louvain addressed to the Count of Feria, September 8 1569, is to be found in A.G.S., estado 821.

³⁶ Brodrick, J., Robert Bellartnine London 1961, p. 24.Google Scholar Bellarmine travelled to Louvain in 1569 in the company of Allen. Bellarmine's notes were dictated and copied by the students at Douai, Knox DD, p. 117. Bellarmine worked with Allen on the commission for the Vulgate.

³⁷ For documentation concerning the ecclesistical reform in the Netherlands in 1579 see A.G.S., estado 580, f. 179. For the erection of the new bishopricks A.G.S., estado 519 f. 166–208.

³⁸ Arising from this was Allen's long letter to Vendeville in which he gave an account of what he had done at Douai and his general aims and principles, Knox LM pp. 52–67; Knox DD, pp. xxviii-xliii. Vendeville's task concerning the founding of seminaries for Flanders is referred to in A.G.S., estado 580 f. 194, 196, 197.

³⁹ Loomie, A., The Spanish Elizabethans, London 1963, pp. 14–51.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Memorial for the Invasion of England. Letters of Allen and Barret. C.R.S. 58, pp. 284–292. Letter from Allen to Owen Lewis written before November 8 1576, C.R.. 9, pp. 44–4-1. Loomie I.c., pp. 22–23.

⁴¹ Parks, George B. ‘The Reformation and the Hospice 1514–1559’ in ‘The English Hospice in Rome.’ The Venerabile Sexcentenary Issue, Exeter 1962, pp. 202–210.Google Scholar Crehan, J. H. ‘St. Ignatius and Cardinal Pole’ Archivium Historicum Societatis Jesu 25, (1956), pp. 72–98.Google Scholar

⁴² For the 1568 memorial on the English Hospice, see C.R.S. 9, pp. 47–62.

⁴³ Knox DD, p. xlix.

⁴⁴ Knox LM, p. 45. Vendeville was at Namur since he too had left Douai in 1578 as his partiality towards Philip placed him in a similar position with the rebels as the English College.

⁴⁵ Kenny, Anthony, ‘From Hospice to College 1559–1579’ The English Hospice in Rome. The Venerabile Sexcentenary Issue, pp. 218–263.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Knox DD, p. Ix.

⁴⁷ On one occasion Allen expressed the wish that Agazzari should take overall charge of both colleges. Allen to Agazzari, July 28 1579. C.R.S., 9, pp. 15–17.

⁴⁸ For the situation of the Society of Jesus under Philip and Mary, see McCoog, T. S.J. English and Welsh Jesuits, C.R.S., 74 pp. 6–8.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ A. Kenny, I.c. p. 263.

⁵⁰ A defense arid declaration of the catholike churchies doctrine, touching purgatory, Antwerp 1565. A treatise made in defence of the lawful power and authoritie of priesthod to remitte sinnes, Louvain 1567. Gulielmi Alani angli … libri tres. Id est, De sacramentis in genere, lib I. De sacamento eucharistiae. lib I. De sacrificio eucharistiae. lib I., Antwerp 1576.

⁵¹ An apologie and true declaration of the institution and endeuours of the two English colleges, the one in Rome, the other now resident in Rhemes, Mounts in Henault, 1581. E.R.L., 67.

⁵² A briefe historie of the glorious martyrdom of xii reuerend priests, Rheims 1582. E.R.L., 55. A reprint from the B.M. copy edited with introduction by J. H. Pollen S.J., London 1908.

⁵³ A true sincere and modest defence of English catholiques that suffer for their faith, Rouen 1584, E.R.L., 68. For a further consideration of this work see McGrath, P., Papists and Puritans, London 1967 p. 185 Google Scholar and Kingdon, Robert M., The Execution of Justice by W. Cecil and A True Sincere Defence by W. Allen. New York 1965.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ For a recent treatment of this matter in a slightly later period: Carrafiello, Michael L., ‘Rebus sic stantibus and English Catholics, 1606–1610’ Recusant History 22, pp. 29–40.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Baldwin Smith, Lacey, Treason in Tudor England, London 1986, pp. 65–66 Google Scholar rather misses the point about the Cecil-Allen dispute. While it is true that both protagonists describe their opponents in a similar fashion, it cannot be reduced to ‘the pot calling the kettle black’. Allen's purpose was not merely to defend the reputation of the seminary priests but to contrast the rule of Mary Tudor with that of her half-sister Elizabeth. Mary was concerned with Catholic truth which had been severely offended during the previous reign. As a Christian prince she saw it her duty to protect her people against error. It was not a matter of her private opinion but the belief of the Church that had to be safeguarded. But, for Elizabeth, the faults committed against the Prince were far more odious than anything directly done against God. Clancy, T. H. S.J. Papist Pamphleteers, Chicago 1964,Google Scholar chapter VII ‘Political Atheism’, pp. 159–192. There is need for a further investigation into the influence of Machiavelli.

⁵⁶ Hayes-McCoy, G. A., ‘The completion of the Tudor conquest and the advance of the counter-reformation 1571–1603’ in A New History of Ireland Edited by Moody, T. W., Martin, F. X., Byrne, F. J., vol. III, Oxford 1976, pp. 103–109.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Knox gives a full account of Allen's part in Scottish, English and French affairs. If the invasion from the North had succeeded, Allen would have become Bishop of Durham. Knox LM, pp. lxvi, lxxi. See also Hughes, Philip, Rome and the Counter Reformation in England, London 1942, pp. 196–204.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Knox LM, pp. Ixxiii-lxxv. Olivares to Philip II, February 24, 1586, p. 251.

⁵⁹ Knox LM, pp. 272–275.

⁶⁰ Philip Hughes remarks that in this letter Allen goes far beyond anything Robert Persons ever said as regards the power of Spain, Rome and the Counter Reformation in England, p. 232. But Allen was not alone. Maurice Clynog, one time warden of the English Hospice in Rome and first rector of the College, was another Marian exile to express similar views, McGrath, P. and Rowe, J. ‘The Marian priests under Elizabeth’, Recusant History, 17, p. 116.Google Scholar

⁶¹ The copie of a letter written by M. doctor Allen: concerning the yeelding up, of the citie of Dauentrie… Before which is also prefixed a gentlemans letter. Antwerp 1587. E.R.L., 51. Allen's view was not shared by all Catholics as is evident from the letter of a Jesuit in England to Persons, Knox LM, p. 299.

⁶² There is earlier evidence for Allen's interest in the services of Englishmen in Philip's army in Flanders. In 1579 it is reported that Allen recommended ‘Enrique Cayer persona muy catholica’ as a suitable captain of a company of troops, A.G.S., estado 580, f. 191.

⁶³ Knox LM, pp. 286–7.

⁶⁴ An admonition to the nobility and people of England and Ireland concerninge the present wanes …By the cardinal of England. 1588. E.R.L., 74.

⁶⁵ Lingard, J., The History of England, vol. 6 (1855), note WW, p. 357.Google Scholar Just as Allen had to be deferential to the Queen in his writings of 1581 lest criticism would aggravate the situation of Catholics, so in the nineteen and early twentieth centuries Catholic writers were careful not to antagonise Protestant opinion by supporting Allen's views unreservedly.

⁶⁶ Philip's blood-tie with the English Royal House is discussed in a memorandum drawn up by Allen and Persons in Rome in 1587, Knox LM, pp. 281—6. Philip's claim to the throne could not be on the grounds of his marriage to Mary Tudor since this was ruled out in the marriage arrangement. On March 31 1587 instructions were given to Allen for his audience with Pope Sixtus V. He was to say nothing about Philip's claim to the succession as it was thought that this might impede papal support and close the issue. When the King gained victory would be time enough to plead the King's relationship to the House of Lancaster, Knox LM, p. 290.

⁶⁷ Pritchard, A., Catholic Loyalism in Elizabethan England, London 1979,Google Scholar needs to be supplemented by Loomie, A. J., ‘The Armada and the Catholics of England’ Catholic Historical Review, 59, (1973), pp. 385–403,Google Scholar who points out the measures taken against Catholics on the eve of the Armada and also Philip's reservations on the usefulness of the Catholics of England in the event of a future invasion.

⁶⁸ Memorandum to Sixtus V recommending Allen and the Pope's reply, Knox LM, pp. 270–1.

⁶⁹ Knox LM, pp. 298–9.

⁷⁰ Knox LM, p. 303. Owen Lewis was known to be interested in the Archbishopric of York but Allen judged Thomas Metham now in prison in England to be more suitable. It was proposed that Lewis should be offered a see in Wales at a distance from London as well as Rome. Allen himself would be, at least for the time being, Lord High Chancellor.

⁷¹ The original intention was that Goldwell former Bishop of St. Asaph would go to England with Campion, Persons and the 1580 mission. When he was prevented by ill-health, Rome did not make any other provision. From what Allen said in Chapter II of his Brief History it would seem that Rome could not visualise a bishop living in fear of his life or in a state below what his dignity demanded. The Pope would not have ‘any of that high calling fall into the hands of the enemy not doubting that they would use such a one as barbarously as any other priest or catholic. He did not think it good to create any such.’ The matter is discussed in Knox DD, p. xcv.

⁷² C.R.S., 58, pp. 194–5.

⁷³ We have already alluded (note 21 above) to a link between Allen and Pole in reference to a fellowship at Trinity College Oxford. We can also note the existence of a plaque of the philosopher Aristotle which is at the English College in Rome. This is said to have been given to the College by Roger Baines, a member of Allen's household and that it was originally given to Allen by Pole Gasquet, F. A., A History of the Venerable English College Rome, London 1920, p. 92,Google Scholar also Gasquet, F. A. Obit Book of the Venerable English College, p. 81.Google Scholar Moreover, the Legatine Registers of Pole are to be found in the municipal archive at Douai, MS 922, Garrett, Christina H. ‘The Legatine Register of Cardinal Pole 1554–57’ Journal of Modern History, 13 (1941), pp. 189–194.Google Scholar It is said the registers were originally brought from England by the English Benedictines, but as the monks did not arrive until 1607 it has been suggested that they came from Spain to Douai with English members of the Spanish Congregation. A direct connection with Allen seems more likely.

⁷⁴ Full documentation is to be found in A.G.S. estado 165. Selections and summaries of Philip's instructions on the eve of the Armada are in the Calendar of State papers, Spanish, 1587–1603, pp. 245–251. The text cited is A.G.S., estado 165, f. 114.

⁷⁵ Knox LM, pp. 310–311.

⁷⁶ Williams, M. E., St. Albans College Valladolid. Four Centuries of English Catholic Presence in Spain. London/New York, 1986.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ C.R.S., 58, pp. 204–206.

⁷⁸ Murphy, Martin, St. Gregory's College Seville 1592–1767, C.R.S., 73.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ C.R.S., 58.

⁸⁰ C.R.S., 58, p. 205. Allen to Philip II, July 10, 1591.

⁸¹ C.R.S., 58, p. 227. Allen to the Duke of Sessa, Mid-1592?

⁸² Gasquet, F. A., A History of the Venerable English College. Rome, p. 97,Google Scholar citing Agazzari to Persons quoted in Tierney III, Appendix, p. lxxv.

⁸³ Apologia pro Rege Catholico Philippo II. Hispaniae & caet. Rege. Contra varias & falsas accusationes Elisabethae Angliae Reginae … Authore Didymo Veridico Henfildano. Constantiae apud Theodorum Samium, 1592. For Stapleton's authorship and the context of this work see Milward, Peter, Religious Controversies of the Elizabethan Age, London 1978, p. 113.Google Scholar