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Heimat Is Where the Heart Is; or, What Kind of Hungarian was Goldmark?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 April 2017

Extract

On 2 January 1915, during the first winter of the First World War, the celebrated composer Carl Goldmark died in Vienna at the ripe old age of eighty-four. The Viennese press gave the story of his passing the kind of coverage that one would expect for a figure who was described as the “rector of Austrian music,” even its “epicenter.” The notice in the Neue Freie Presse was particularly striking in its imagery: “We, musical Vienna and the entire musical world, stand shaken around the funeral bier of the great composer and Austrian Carl Goldmark.” As the report goes on, the writer makes a clear reference to the growing war effort: “Many of our best and brightest must now die on the battlefield for the fatherland. Goldmark lived for his fatherland, and by creating art touched by the breadth of eternity, he honored the fatherland in his own way and greatly increased the cultural heritage of humanity.” Meanwhile, in the other great capital of the Dual Monarchy, the composer's death was covered very differently. To read the obituaries that appeared in Budapest is to be told that Hungary, not Austria, was Goldmark's fatherland. Here, in effect, both halves of the monarchy were fighting over the same man's legacy—the one, primarily on the basis of his Hungarian birth and childhood; the other, on the basis of his long residency in Austria and the central role he played in the musical culture of late Habsburg Vienna.

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Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 2017 

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References

1 R[ichard] Batka, “Karl Goldmark,” Fremden-Blatt, 3 January 1915, 1–2, here 1. Specht, Richard, “Goldmark,” Der Merker 6 (1915): 64Google Scholar, respectively.

2 “Carl Goldmark,” Neue Freie Presse, 3 January 1915, 14–15, here 14.

3 “Karl Goldmark,” Pester Lloyd, 3 January 1915, 13.

4 “Goldmark Károly meghalt,” Budapesti Hírlap [Budapest daily], 3 January 1915, 16; and “Goldmark Károly meghalt,” Népszava [The people's voice], 3 January 1915, 7. Three obituaries by Gyula Fodor were exceptional in emphasizing the putative Jewish element in Goldmark's music. Yet Fodor goes on to assert that “if there is any relative of Jewish music it is Hungarian music.” Gyula Fodor, “Goldmark,” A Hét [The week] 26, no. 2 (10 January 1915): 18; Fodor, “Goldmark,” Egyenlőség [Equality] 34, no. 2 (10 January 1915): 13–14 (from which I have quoted); and Fodor, “Goldmark,” Zeneközlöny 13, no. 1 (15 March 1915): 2–4.

5 “Goldmark Károly meghalt,” Pesti Hírlap [Pest daily], 3 January 1915, 17.

6 “Karl Goldmark,” Pester Lloyd, 3 January 1915, 13; “Goldmark Károly meghalt,” Budapesti Hírlap, 3 January 1915, 16; “Goldmark Károly meghalt,” Pesti Hírlap, 3 January 1915, 17. On Eötvös and the monetary grant from the Hungarian government, more is to follow. There is no question that the inclusion of an excerpt from the opera in the benefit concert that Liszt gave in Vienna in January 1874 was a significant development. See Brodbeck, David, “A Tale of Two Brothers: Behind the Scenes of Goldmark's First Opera,” Musical Quarterly 97 (2014): 513–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I am aware of no hard evidence, however, regarding Andrássy's supposed role in ensuring the work's introduction at the Vienna Court Opera in March 1875.

7 “Goldmark Károly 1830–1914 [sic],” Pesti Napló [Pest news], 3 January 1915, 16.

8 “Das Begräbnis Goldmarks,” Pester Lloyd, 5 January 1915, 9.

9 For a succinct account of the distinction between self or subjectivity and identity in a somewhat similar Hungarian context, see Quinn, Erika, Franz Liszt: A Story of Central European Subjectivity (Leiden/Boston, 2014), 812 Google Scholar.

10 For places known by both German and Hungarian names during Goldmark's lifetime, I generally give both names upon their first appearance in the text and then use only the German names (which Goldmark would have used) thereafter. For reasons of clarity, however, I will sometimes give both the German and Hungarian names for Deutschkreuz.

11 Goldmark acknowledged in his memoirs both his inability to speak Hungarian and the relatively late age at which he learned to read German. See Goldmark, Karl, Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben (Vienna, 1922), 84, 12Google Scholar. A useful but by no means infallible guide to Goldmark's early biography, the composer's memoirs are available in both English and Hungarian translations. See Goldmark, Carl, Notes from the Life of a Viennese Composer, trans. Goldmark, Alice Brandeis (New York, 1927)Google Scholar; and Károly, Goldmark, Emlékek Életemből, ed. Kecskeméti, István (Budapest, 1980)Google Scholar. When quoting from this source, I cite only the original German publication and provide my own translations. I consider Goldmark's life at some length in Brodbeck, David, Defining Deutschtum: Political Ideology, German Identity, and Music-Critical Discourse in Liberal Vienna (New York, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 See Carl's letter to Joseph of 1 January 1867, quoted in Brodbeck, “A Tale of Two Brothers,” 507–8.

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15 On the Austrian state stipends, see Brodbeck, “A Tale of Two Brothers,” 503–9.

16 Törnquist-Plewa, Barbara, “Contrasting Ethnic Nationalisms: Eastern Central Europe,” in Language and Nationalism, ed. Barbour, Stephen and Carmichael, Cathie (Oxford, 2000), 188Google Scholar. The discussion that follows is based on Törnquist-Plewa, “Contrasting Ethnic Nationalisms: Eastern Central Europe,” 187–191.

17 See also Lendvai, Paul, The Hungarians: A Thousand Years of Victory in Defeat, trans. Major, Ann (Princeton, 2003), 293300 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Duin, Pieter C. van, Central European Crossroads: Social Democracy and National Revolution in Bratislava (Pressburg), 1867–1921 (New York, 2009), 2731 Google Scholar.

18 The twin cities of Buda and Pest, together with neighboring Alt-Ofen/Óbuda, did not formally unite into a single municipality until 1873, but for the sake of convenience I will refer to a single city of Budapest hereafter.

19 “Irodalom és művészt” (Művészek segélyzése), Vasárnapi Ujság, 27 June 1869, 357. This report erroneously identifies the opera in question as Sakuntala, the title of Goldmark's first concert overture.

20 On the disconnect between popular and nationalist press reception of Goldmark in the last third of the nineteenth century, see also Prokopovych, Markian, In the Public Eye: The Budapest Opera House, the Audience and the Press, 1884–1918 (Vienna, 2014), 251–73Google Scholar.

21 Nemes, Robert, The Once and Future Budapest (DeKalb, IL, 2005), 181–90Google Scholar.

22 Patai, Robert, The Jews of Hungary: History, Culture, Psychology (Detroit, 1996), 361–65Google Scholar; Lendvai, The Hungarians, 329–47.

23 A. B. [August Beer], “Goldmark-Soirée,” Pester Lloyd, 12 February 1895, 7; and idem, “Königliches Opernhaus,” Pester Lloyd, 13 February 1895, 7.

24 “Goldmark-Banket,” Pester Lloyd, 14 February 1895, 5, from which the following account is drawn.

25 August Beer, “Karl Goldmark,” Pester Lloyd, 14 February 1895, 5–6, from which the next two quotations are also taken.

26 “Cosmopolitanism” should not be equated here with Jewishness, since Beer uses the same term to describe the “international” artistic styles of Liszt and Mihály Munkácsy, Hungary's most celebrated painter, neither of whom were Jews.

27 On earlier uses of this dual trope of Orientalism and Hungarianness to describe Goldmark's style, both occurring in Viennese music criticism, see Brodbeck, Defining Deutschtum, 87–97, 215–16.

28 I take my description from the title of chapter 27 of Lendvai, The Hungarians.

29 On the Millenium Exhibition, see Sármány-Parsons, Ilona, “Ungarns Millenniumsjahr 1896,” in Der Kampf um das Gedächtnis. Öffentliche Gedenktage in Mitteleuropa, ed. Brix, Emil and Stekl, Hannes (Vienna, 1997), 273–91Google Scholar; and Freifeld, Alice, Nationalism and the Crowd in Liberal Hungary, 1848–1914 (Washington, DC, 2000), 266–78Google Scholar.

30 “Goldmark Károly,” Vasárnapi Ujság, 27 May 1900, 345. We shall return to the citizenship question below.

31 Prokopovych, In the Public Eye, 262–67.

32 Zrínyi, Miklós, The Siege of Sziget, trans. Kőrössy, László, intro. Gömöri, George (Washington, DC, 2011)Google Scholar. Zrinski, as the family name is spelled in Croatian, is also claimed as a national hero by the Croats; see Lendvai, The Hungarians, 126–36.

33 “A Filharmóniai Társulat ünnepe,” Vasárnapi Ujság, 10 May 1903, 309.

34 “Goldmark Károly. Zrinyi,” Zeneközlony 2 (4 May 1903): 195, and l.t., “Az országos zeneünnep,” Pesti Napló, 5 May 1903, 9, respectively, quoted in German translation in Párkai-Eckhardt, Maria, “Einflüsse der ungarischen Musik bei Goldmark,” in Brahms-Kongress Wien 1983, ed. Antonicek, Susanne and Biba, Otto (Tutzing, 1988), 427–38Google Scholar, here 436. Párkai-Eckhardt translates from Kálmán, Mária, Goldmark Károly 1830–1930. Adalékok életéhez és müveihez Magyar vonatkozásban (Budapest, 1930), 53Google Scholar.

35 G—ly, “Filharmónia és publikum,” Budapesti Napló, 5 May 1903, quoted in English translation in Prokopovych, In the Public Eye, 265.

36 Goldmark might well have attended this performance; in any case, he would surely have read the notices and reviews in the Viennese press. See E. Bünde, [preview of Zrinyi], Allgemeine Kunst-Chronik 15 (15 September 1891): 553–54; Victor [sic], “Ein Freiheitssänger,” Welt-Blatt, 23 September 1891, 10; and E. J. M., “Zrinyi,” Das Vaterland, 25 September 1891, 1–2. On Zrínyi's reputation in the nineteenth century, see Luckscheiter, Roman, “Theodor Körners Zrinyi-Drama und die Fascination von Tod und Niederlage,” in Militia et Litterae: Die beiden Nikolaus Zrínyi und Europa, ed. Kühlmann, Wilhelm and Tüskés, Gábor, with Bene, Sándor (Tübingen, 2009), 274–84Google Scholar; and Kálmán Kovács, “Theodor Körners Zrínyi: Die Wiedergeburt des Nikolaus Zrínyi um 1800,” in Militia et Litterae: Die beiden Nikolaus Zrínyi und Europa, ed. Kühlmann and Tüskés, with Bene, 285–303.

37 See Lendvai, The Hungarians, 104.

38 Neubauer, John, “National Operas in East-Central Europe,” in History of the Literary Cultures of East-Central Europe: Junctures and Disjunctions in the 19th and 20th Centuries, vol. 1, ed. Cornis-Pope, Marcel and Neubauer, John (Amsterdam, 2004), 522Google Scholar.

39 Das Vaterland, 25 September 1891, 1.

40 See Imre Kálmán, “Téli rege,” Pesti Napló, 1 May 1908,1–2; and “A 80 éves Goldmark” [The 80-year-old Goldmark], A Zene [Music] 2 (1910): 75–78, quoted in German in Párkai-Eckhardt, “Einflüsse der ungarische Musik bei Goldmark,” 429, from Kálmán, Goldmark Károly, 55 and 53, respectively.

41 The Hungarian celebrations in 1910 are discussed in Hofer, Johann, Carl Goldmark: Komponist der Ringstraßenzeit (Vienna, 2015), 219–29Google Scholar.

42 Loya, Shay, “Recomposing National Identity: Four Transcultural Readings of Liszt's March hongroise d'après Schubert ,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 69 (2016): 418–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 Magyar Zeneköltők Kiállítási Albuma [Exhibition album of Hungarian composers] (Budapest, 1885). Goldmark's contribution is discussed in Kecskeméti, István, “Liszt und Goldmark im ‘Ausstellungsalbum ungarischer Tondichter, 1885,’Bruckner Symposion: Bruckner und der Musik der Romantik (Linz, 1989), 8392 Google Scholar; and Winkler, Gerhard J., “‘Multikulturalität’ und ‘Heilige deutsche Tonkunst’: Komplementäre und parallele Lebensläufe aus dem historischen Westungarn,” in Musikwelten—Lebenswelten: Jüdische Identitätssuche in der deutschen Musikkultur (Cologne, 2009), 276–77Google Scholar. On the nationalist agenda of the exhibition, see Székely, Miklós, “A Capital on the Margins: Concepts for a Budapest Universal Exhibition between 1867 and 1917,” in Cultures of International Exhibitions, 1840–1940: Great Exhibitions in the Margins, ed. Filipová, Marta (Farnham, 2015), 2344 Google Scholar; and Szabó, Levente J., “Narrating ‘the People’ and ‘Disciplining’ the Folk: The Constitution of the Hungarian Ethnographic Discipline and the Touristic Movement (1870–1900),” in We, the People: Politics of National Peculiarity in Southeast Europe, ed. Mishkova, Diana (Budapest, 2009), 207–36, here 209–10Google Scholar.

44 On the honorary membership, see “Die ‘Philharmonische Gesellschaft,’” Pester Lloyd, 15 November 1893, 14. For a complete listing of the works by Goldmark performed by the orchestra through 1903, see Isoz, Kálmán and Mészáros, Imre, A Filharmoniai Társaság multja és jelene, 1853–1903 (Budapest, 1903), 85Google Scholar.

45 The autograph score of the original version is housed in Budapest, National Széchényi Library (Sign. Ms. mus. 6.519). I take my spelling of the work as Zrinyi rather than the Hungarian Zrínyi from this source. The same library also holds a copy of the work that is largely written in a foreign hand but contains Goldmark's subsequent autograph revision of the ending for the Budapest performance in 1907.

46 Jonathan Bellman, The Style Hongrois in the Music of Western Europe (Boston, 1993); see also Locke, Ralph, Musical Exoticism: Images and Reflections (Cambridge, 2009), 135–49Google Scholar.

47 For a succinct discussion of the contrasting ways in which Jewish identification processes and Habsburg loyalty played out in Cisleithania and Transleithania, see Rachamimov, Alon, “Collective Identifications and Austro-Hungarian Jews (1914–1918): The Contradictions and Travails of Avigdor Hameiri,” in The Limits of Loyalty: Imperial Symbolism, Popular Allegiances, and State Patriotism in the Late Habsburg Monarchy, ed. Cole, Laurence and L., Daniel Unowsky (New York, 2007), 180–84Google Scholar.

48 On Jewish cosmopolitanism, see Hacohen, Malachi Haim, “Dilemmas of Cosmopolitanism: Karl Popper, Jewish Identity, and ‘Central European Culture,’Journal of Modern History 71 (1999): 105–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hacohen, Karl Popper—The Formative Years, 1902–1945: Politics and Philosophy in Interwar Vienna (Cambridge, 2000), 46–53. On national indifference, see Judson, Pieter M., Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontiers of Imperial Austria (Cambridge, MA, 2006)Google Scholar; Zahra, Tara, Kidnapped Souls: National Indifference and the Battle for Children in the Bohemian Lands, 1900–1948 (Ithaca, NY, 2008)Google Scholar; and the articles by Nemes, Robert, Stergar, Rok, Murdoch, Caitlin E., Lichtenstein, Tatjana, Pergher, Roberta, and Ballinger, Pamela included in the special section “Sites of Indifference to Nationhood,” edited by Judson and Zahra, in Austrian History Yearbook 43 (2012)Google Scholar. As Zahra notes, “national indifference” is in some ways merely a new label for categories of analysis that have long circulated under other names, including, what is most relevant for Goldmark, cosmopolitanism. See Zahra, Tara, “Imagined Noncommunities: National Indifference as a Category of Analysis,” Slavic Review 69 (2010): 93119 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

49 “Die Goldmark-Feier in Keßthely,” Pester Lloyd, 22 May 1910, 9.

50 Among many studies, see Applegate, Celia, A Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat (Berkeley, 1990)Google Scholar; Confino, Alon, “The Nation as a Local Metaphor: Heimat, National Memory and the German Empire, 1871–1918,” History & Memory 5 (1993): 4286 Google Scholar; and Heimat, Nation, Fatherland: The German Sense of Belonging, ed. Jost Hermand and James Steakley (New York, 1996).

51 I leave out of consideration here the pernicious coopting of the term during the Nazi era to stand for “race (blood) and territory (soil), a deadly combination that led to the exile and annihilation of anyone who did not ‘belong.’” Kaes, Anton, From Hitler to Heimat: The Return of History as Film (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 165–66Google Scholar.

52 Goldmark, Erinnerungen, 82–83. At the end of this passage, Goldmark is obviously repeating the sentiment he had expressed in Keszthely. Goldmark uses both the older spelling with the genitive and the plural form “Heimatsrechte” and “Heimatsgefühle” for “Heimatrecht” and “Heimatgefühle.”

53 The documents in question are Goldmark's last Viennese Meldzettel, filed on 31 December 1910, in which his “Heimats(Zuständigkeits)ort und -land” is given as Keszthely, Hungary (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Bestand 2.5.1.4.K11. Goldmark Karl 18.5.1830), and a petition to the court filed on his behalf by a Hungarian attorney in 1890 to request the legitimization of his daughter Minna, born out of wedlock to his housekeeper in 1866, in which he is described as “zuständig nach Német Keresztur [sic].” Vienna, Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchiv, Z 21723/I.M. 1890 ad 3281. [1]890. I am grateful to Marsha Rozenblit and Thomas Aigner, respectively, for drawing my attention to these documents.

54 Karl Goldmark, “Gedanken über Form und Stil (Eine Abwehr),” Neue Freie Presse, 16 April 1911, 127–29, and 4 June 1911, 53–55. For a detailed discussion of this essay, see Brodbeck, Defining Deutschtum, 290–308; and Brodbeck, “‘Wollen wir doch nie vergessen, daß wir arme deutsche Komponisten sind’: Zu Goldmarks Selbstverteidigung,” in Carl Goldmark: Leben, Werk, Rezeption, ed. Peter Stachel (Vienna, in press).

55 Spannenberger, Norbert, Die katholische Kirche in Ungarn 1918–1939: Positionierung im politischen System und “Katholische Renaissance” (Stuttgart, 2006), 6772 Google Scholar. Klebelsberg, Kuno, Klebelsberg Kuno beszédei, cikkei és törvényjavaslatai: 1916–1926 [Speeches, articles, and legislative propositions of Kuno Klebelsberg] (Budapest, 1927), 516Google Scholar; quoted in translation in Miller, Michael L., “Numerus clausus exiles: Hungarian Jewish students in inter-war Berlin,” in The numerus clausus in Hungary: Studies on the First Anti-Jewish Law and Academic Anti-Semitism in Modern Central Europe, ed. Karady, Victor and Tibor Nagy, Peter (Budapest, 2012), 212–13Google Scholar.

56 Unpublished letter of 31 May 1928, in the archive of the Franz Liszt Academy of Music. I am grateful to Máté Mesterházi (Central Library of the Franz Liszt Academy of Music, Budapest) for providing me with a copy of this letter.

57 Burger, Hannelore, Heimatrecht und Staatsbürgerschaft der österreichischer Juden vom Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts bis in die Gegenwart (Vienna, 2014), esp. 77–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Hirschhausen, Ulrike von, “From Imperial Inclusion to National Exclusion: Citizenship in the Habsburg Monarchy and in Austria 1867–1923,” European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire, 16 (2009): 551–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Rozenblit, Marsha L., The Jews of Vienna: Assimilation and Identity (Albany, 1983), passimGoogle Scholar.

58 I am grateful to László Fekete (Chief Cantor at the Dohány Street Great Synagogue, Budapest) for information regarding Karpath's name changes.

59 Kálmán's Hungarian citizenship is established by a record found in the Austrian State Archive (Archive of the Republic, Finance). This document (numbered 45955), signed and dated Vienna, 25 June 1938, concerns the Jewish composer's financial assets and was filed as required by the Nazi regime by a decree of 26 April 1938. See the finding of the Claims Resolution Tribunal of the Holocaust Victim Assets Litigation (Swiss Banks), Case No. CV96–4849 at Claims Resolution Tribunal, accessed 30 November 2016, http://www.crt-ii.org/_awards/_apdfs/Kalman_Emmerich.pdf.

60 The remainder of the letter outlines the proposed terms of the purchase, in which the state was to share in payment to the family.

61 Karady and Nagy, eds., The numerus clausus in Hungary; Kovács, Mária M., Liberal Professions and Illiberal Politics: Hungary from the Habsburgs to the Holocaust (Washington, DC, 1994), 4981 Google Scholar.

62 Klebelsberg's memorandum to Hubay approving the purpose (document number: 43798/1928/III) is cited in Kecskeméti, István, “Goldmarkiana: Unbekannte primäre Quellen in Ungarn,” in Musica Conservata: Günter Brosche zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Gmeiner, Josef, Kokits, Zsigmond, Leibnitz, Thomas, and Pechotsch-Feichtinger, Inge (Tutzing, 1999), 231–47, here 247 n. 5Google Scholar. In January 1929 the Hungarian newspaper Magyarság reported that the negotiations had been successfully completed; this report was rehearsed for a Viennese readership in “Ein Goldmark-Zimmer in der ungarischen Musikhochschule,” Wiener Zeitung, 26 January 1929, 9.

63 The Goldmark Room no longer exists. It contents were transferred after World War II to the Helikon Library in Kezsthely, and in 1978 the materials were absorbed into the collection of the Széchényi National Library. See Kecskeméti, “Goldmarkiana,” 233.

64 Koch, Lajos, A Budapesti Operaház Műsora 1884–1959 (Budapest, 1959), 42Google Scholar.

65 “Goldmark-Feier in Budapest,” Wiener Zeitung, 12 March 1930, 8.

66 [Koch, Lajos], Goldmark Károly 1830–1930 Május 18 (Budapest, 1930)Google Scholar; Kálmán, Goldmark Károly 1830–1930.

67 Kálmán, Goldmark Károly 1830–1930, 5–6.

68 Frojimovics, Kinga, Komorócsy, Géza, Pusztai, Victória, and Strbik, Andrea, Jewish Budapest: Monuments, Rites, History, ed. Komoócsy, Géza (Budapest, 1999), 301–4Google Scholar.

69 Laczó, Ferenc, “Negotiating Historicity: Hungarian Jewish Scholarly Perspectives on the Relevance, Content, and Meaning of History in the Age of Catastrophe,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 56 (2011): 291306, here 295CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

70 Fodor, Gyula, “Goldmark,” Évkönyv. Izraelita Magyar Irodalmi Társulat 2 (1930): 259–78Google Scholar. On the Hungarian-Jewish symbiosis in music, see Frigyesi, Judit, “Jews and Hungarians in Modern Hungarian Musical Culture,” in Modern Jews and their Musical Agendas, ed. Mendelsohn, Ezra (New York, 1993), 4060 Google Scholar.

71 My translations from Fodor's essay are slightly adapted from Ferenc Laczó, “Between Assimilation and Catastrophe: Hungarian Jewish Intellectual Discourses in the Shadow of Nazism” (Ph.D. dissertation, Central European University, 2010), 84–85, 90–91. Fodor evinced similar views in his three obituaries of the composer, cited above in n. 4.

72 Hanna B. Lewis, Review of Welttheater: Hofmannsthal, Richard von Kralik, and the Revival of Catholic Drama in Austria, 1890–1934, by Beniston, Judith, Journal of English and Germanic Philology 98 (1999): 604–6Google Scholar, here 605.

73 Kralik, Richard, Tage und Werke: Lebenserinnerungen (Vienna, 1922), 137Google Scholar.