¹ Part I in BSA lvii (1962) 154–75 and Part II in BSA lxv (1970)47–77.

² We acknowledge with gratitude the generous support of the Canada Council, the University of Newcastle upon Tyne, and Queen's University at Kingston, Canada. And we wish to thank the Greek Archaeological Service for their assistance and courtesy, and especially Mr. G. Konstantinopoulos (Ephor for the Dodecanese), Miss I. Zervoudakis and Mr. E. Kollias (Epimeletes), and Messrs. P. Antonoglou and N. Manolakis (guards at Chalki and Astypalaia respectively). We are also grateful for help and advice from many others, and particularly Messrs. J. N. Coldstream, P. M. Fraser, A. H. S. Megaw, D. Levi, C. Renfrew, G. Cadogan, R. J. Howell, O. T. P. K. Dickinson, and Mr. and Mrs. D. H. French. The potsherds and other objects collected by us in the Dodecanese in 1967–8 and 1970 are now deposited in the Rhodes Museum.

³ Page, D. L., History and the Homeric Iliad (1959) 147–9.Google Scholar

⁴ Cf. Strabo xiv. 653; Page, op. cit. 148–9; Andrewes, , Hermes 1961, 133 n. 1.Google Scholar Moreover, as Page notes (176 n. 86), Il. ii. 667–70 may well be an interpolation.

⁵ Simpson, Hope and Lazenby, , The Catalogue of the Ships in Homer' Iliad (Oxford, 1970) 117–20.Google Scholar

⁶ See below on Ialysos.

⁷ Cf. Buck, , The Greek Dialects (Chicago, 1955) 299Google Scholar no. 103 and refs.

⁸ See below.

⁹ The story that Danaos founded the temple of Athena at Lindos and consecrated the statue of the goddess there (Diodorus v. 58, Apollodorus ii. 1. 4) perhaps reflects the offerings to Lindos by Amasis in the sixth century (cf. Herodotus ii. 182).

¹⁰ Cf. Stubbings, Levant 12–13, 30–1.

¹¹ See below on Trianda.

¹² See summary, p. 173 below.

¹³ Stephanus of Byzantium (s.v. ) says that Crete was once called ‘Telchinia’ and its inhabitants ‘Telchines’, and they arc also reported as inhabitants of Sikyon (Steph. Byz. ibid.), Keos (Callimachus fr. ix. 65P), and Cyprus (Pausanias ix. 19. 1).

¹⁴ Cook, A. B., Zeus ii Appendix B 922–4Google Scholar; iii Addenda 1172–3.

¹⁵ Cf. Nilsson, , The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion (Lund, 1927) 65–71.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Cf. Schol, ad Pindar, , Ol. vii. 160aGoogle Scholar, i. 233 ed. Drachmann.

¹⁷ Cf. Nilsson, op. cit. 456–9.

¹⁸ See below.

¹⁹ BICS xvi (1969) 1–8.

²⁰ Cf. also Polyzelos (Jacoby FGH 521 F 6) ap. Athenaeus viii. 361c.

²¹ See p. 130 above and n. 4.

²² e.g. Mezger, F., Pindars Siegeslieder (Leipzig, 1880) 437Google Scholar; Busolt, , Griechische Geschichte i. 356 n. 2Google Scholar; Desborough, LMTS 247.

²³ Even Desborough, in his earlier work (PGP 233) says, it seems likely to me that the first post-Mycenaean settlers came through the Cyclades, from the mainland, and did not come via Crete’.

²⁴ e.g. by L. Schmitz ap. Smith', W.Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography ii. 713Google Scholar, and by Busolt loc. cit. in n. 22 above.

²⁵ e.g. Dissenius, , Pindari Carmina (Gothae et Erfordiae, 1830) ii 76Google Scholar; Gildersleeve, , Pindar: The Olympian and Pythian Odes (Macmillan, 1897) 182Google Scholar: Myers, , Odes of Pindar (Macmillan, 1904) 23.Google Scholar

²⁶ Cf. Ol. vii. 19:

²⁷ vii. 57.6:

²⁸ Certainly Pindar' hero, Diagoras, seems to have derived his descent from Herakles through Tlepolemos (cf. Ol. vii. 20–2). Thucydides, unfortunately, gives no reason for his statement.

²⁹ Compare Buck, op. cit. section 250 with section 261, but note also the similarities between Rhodian and Megarian (section 257)—cf. Strabo xiv. 653.

³⁰ Loc. cit. in n. 22 above.

³¹ Jeffery, , The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece (Oxford, 1961) 346–50.Google Scholar

³² Desborough, PGP 224, 232, 292, 294, and 299; Coldstream, GGP 264 and 339.

³³ As noted by Stubbings, Levant 5.

³⁴ It is evident that Inglieri' work was not based mainly on autopsy. We note some discrepancies: FN nos. 38 and 39 both refer to the same tomb group; FS nos. 55 and 56 both refer to the same tomb; and FS no. 88 is marked as Mycenaean on the map only. Other attributions of Mycenaean finds to exact toponyms are either dubious or unsupported, i.e. FN nos. 25, 34, 37, 44, 79, 86, 87, 127, 139, 148, 153, and 155, and FS nos. 18, 19, 36, 40, and 79. We would consider, however, that the following in particular would repay further investigation: FN nos. 139 and 148 and FS nos. 18, 19, and 36.

³⁵ The map used is a British Second World War compilation from an Italian map dated 1931 and from air photos taken in 1942. The scale is 1:100,000.

³⁶ Coldstream, J. N., BICS xvi (1969) 1 and n. 6Google Scholar, points out that some pottery from Trianda (CR x. 54 fig. 5, especially nos. 1–2) is probably of Middle Minoan date.

³⁷ Monaco, G., Memorie iii (1938) 57–68Google Scholar and CR x (1941) 41–183; Furumark, A., OpArch vi (1950) 150–271Google Scholar, abbreviated here as Trianda.

³⁸ See n. 275 below.

³⁹ To which the map reference applies.

⁴⁰ Trianda 166 n. 8.

⁴¹ CR x. 51 fig. 3 nos. 10, 12–16, and 19–20. For instance, CR x. 51 fig. 3 no. 16 (= p. 52 no. 18) and fig. 3 no. 19 (= p. 52 no. 20) resemble BSA lx (1965) 165 fig. 2 nos. 12–16 from Mycenae; CR x. 51 fig. 3 no. 14 (= p. 52 no. 16) closely resembles BSA lx. 187 fig. 9 no. 1; and CR x. 51 fig. 3 no. 20 (= p. 52 no. 21) resembles BSA lx pl. 54d. 2.

⁴² CR x. 51 fig. 3 no. 17 (= p. 52 no. 19) resembles BM Cat A no. 868 (= Stubbings, Levant pl. 3 no. 9) from the Ialysos cemeteries, and BSA lxi (1966) 219–22 fig. 3 no. 21 (dated L.H. IIIB 1) from Mycenae; cf. specimens from Apollakiá, Váti, etc. (e.g. D pl. 51 nos. 8–11). This particular type of whorl-shell decoration is L.H. IIIA 2 at earliest (cf. BSA lx. 165 fig. 2 nos. 1–2, fig. 5, and pl. 52e, 5). Cf. also PLATE 44a. 8 from Astypalaia.

⁴³ Bilioni 386–93.

⁴⁴ MV 1–18 pls. A-E and I–II.

⁴⁵ BM Cat A 139 nos. 801–970.

⁴⁶ Ann. ii (1916) 271–4; Ann. vi–vii (1923–4) 86–247; CR i (1928) 56–65. Illustrations: Ann. vi–vii. 167 fig. 95 (Móschou Vounára from north-west), cf. Ann. ii. 273 fig. 3, 272 fig. 1 and Ann. xiii–xiv. 253 fig. 1 (Móschou Vounára from north); Ann. vi–vii. 88 fig. 2 (plan of Makriá Vounára wrongly captioned ‘Moscu Vunara’); Ann. vi–vii. 168 fig. 96 (plan of Móschou Vounára).

The sketch plan here (FIG. 2) is an attempt to systematize, correct, and correlate previous illustrations (i.e. the map CR viii. 8 fig. 1, where Móschou Vounára and Makriá Vounára are both misplaced; Ann. vi–vii. 86 fig. 1, a view of the two hills from the south; and CR x. 49 fig. 1, a map of Trianda).

⁴⁷ Ann. xiii–xiv. 254–335, and 344–5.

⁴⁸ Ann. xiii–xiv. 255 fig. 2, showing also Maiuri' tombs and the approximate location of Biliotti'.

⁴⁹ Stubbings, Levant 8–20; Furumark MP s.v. ‘Ialysos’ and passim throughout, especially 181 and 262; Furumark, ChronMP 42, 52–8, 63–4, 67, and 74–5; Desborough, LMTS s.v. ‘Ialysos’.

⁵⁰ The main excavation reports are in Annuario and Clara Rhodos.

⁵¹ Cf. the view CR i. 57 fig. 39.

⁵² See p. 130 above.

⁵³ Page, , History and the Homeric Iliad (1959) 38–9.Google ScholarColdstream, , BICS xvi. 1Google Scholar, argues that the name ‘suggests a citadel at Ialysos named by Greek inhabitants of the Mycenaean period’. It may, however, have been named in memory of them.

⁵⁴ Boll. d'Arte vi (1926–7) 331–2, ‘cocci preistorici (neolitici) senza stratigrafia’. (N.B. the map reference we give here denotes the approximate spot.)

⁵⁵ Three cups, two hole-mouthed jars, and a spouted jug: Coldstream, BICS xvi. 1 and n. 6, citing M.M. I parallels from Kastrí on Kythera. On the cups see now Kythera (1972) 95; the jug is similar in shape to op. cit. 258, L 1 (J. N. Coldstream).

⁵⁶ The group consists of whole pots; and for a similarly elevated situation cf. the Middle Minoan cemetery at Ailias east of Knossos.

⁵⁷ Biliotti, 714, mentions the fountain Koufá and a hamlet of the same name above it. This is presumably the site now known as Palaiochóri.

⁵⁸ Pace, B., Ann. i (1914) 369–70Google Scholar and Boll. d'Arte x (1916) 87–91; cf. Maiuri, A., Ann. vi–vii. 252.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Furumark cites the vases under ‘Asprovilo’ (MP 645) and ‘Korou’ (MP 649). They are a Pyxis (Boll. d'Arte x. fig. 8a, cf. MP 599), a Stirrup-jar (Boll. d'Arte x. fig. 8b, cf. MP 612), and a Piriform Jar (Boll. d'Arte x. fig. 7, cf. MP 591).

⁶⁰ Inglieri has confused the various reports and toponyms, under FN nos. 38, 39, and 43 (where Aspróvilo is mistakenly cited under ‘Aspropiliè’), but the general location is clear.

⁶¹ Memorie ii (1938) 49, 51, and pl. 40.

⁶² Memorie ii. 51.

⁶³ Inglieri FN no. 32; Jacopi, G., Boll. d'Arte series 2 vi (1926–1927) 331Google Scholar; Laurenzi, L., Memorie ii. 51Google Scholar, ‘Nel 1926 si scoprirono tre tombe a camera in località Cocala’.

⁶⁴ Jacopi, G., CR vi–vii (1932) 44 and 49 fig. 46Google Scholar: a Piriform Jar with net pattern and a globular jug with stipple pattern (cf. Furumark, MP 596 and 654 and ChronMP 42, 53, and 150 s.v. ‘Tolo’; Stubbings, Levant 11 and n. 3).

⁶⁵ Memorie ii. 51.

⁶⁶ The eastern (green) mark for FN no. 51 on Inglieri' map marks the location of the sherds.

⁶⁷ The western (red) mark for FN no. 51 on the north end of the ridge.

⁶⁸ Ann. vi–vii. 253, nos. 3468 and 3476.

⁶⁹ Furumark, MP 652 s.v. ‘Phanes’, 613 (the Stirrup-jar, = D pl. 62 no. 2), and 628 (the Stemmed Cup,= D pl. 53 no. 11).

⁷⁰ Furtwaengler, A., Jdi i (1886) 133.Google Scholar The vases were published in MV 17 f., 80 f., with figs. 38–9 and pl. 11 nos. 70–2 (?), cf. Furumark, MP 649.

⁷¹ Porro, G., Boll. d'Arte ix (1915) 284 fig. 1Google Scholar, cf. 286; Jacopi, G., CR vi–vii. 11 fig. 1.Google Scholar

⁷² Ann. i (1914) 369 and Boll. d'Arte ix. 297–300 and figs. 7, 9–10; cf. Maiuri, A., Ann. vi–vii. 252.Google ScholarPernier, L., Boll. d'Arte viii (1914) 228 fig. 10Google Scholar, marks Aníforo to south of Kalavárda, approximately where Porro marked Kaminaki-Lures (Boll. d'Arte ix. 284 fig. 1). Inglieri, however, introduces confusion by listing Kaminaki-Lures together with Papa-tis-Lures as FN no. 110, and by placing both to south of Kameiros on his map.

⁷³ CR vi–vii. 11 and 133–50.

⁷⁴ Furumark, MP 649 etc. s.v. ‘Kameiros’, and ChronMP 70, 72, 76, and 148; Stubbings, Levant 11 and 15; Desborough, LMTS 6, 153, 155, and 157. Laurenzi, L., Memorie ii. 49–51 and pls. 41–2Google Scholar, discusses a fine Rhyton from Aníforo, cf. Porro, G., Ann. i. 369.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Salzmann, A., La Nécropole de Camiros (Paris, 1875)Google Scholar; Pottier, E., Vases antiques du Louvre (Paris, 1897)Google Scholar cites as from Cameiros BM Cat A nos. 271 and 273 ( = MV pl. 11 nos. 70 and 72), but Furtwaengler and Loeschke, MV 17–18, say that these are from Ialysos.

⁷⁶ Ann. vi–vii. 252.

⁷⁷ AM vi (1881) 3.

⁷⁸ RA xxvii (1895) 186 and fig. 1.

⁷⁹ Cf. CR vi–vii. 11, fig. 1 and pl. 9.

⁸⁰ This is the spur covered by the (green) circle for FN no. 127 on Inglieri' map.

⁸¹ The spur is marked 263 (ht. a.s.l.) on Inglieri' map.

⁸² The site is about 200 m. north-east of the (green) circle for FN no. 101 on Inglieri' map, at 362 (ht. a.s.l.).

⁸³ Maiuri, A., Ann. ii (1916) 298–302Google Scholar, especially 299 fig. 15 (location map) and 301 fig. 17 (plan of the tombs); cf. Ann. vi–vii (1923–4) 248–51 (the vases).

⁸⁴ Furumark, MP 650 s.v. ‘Lelos’ and 599, 602, 608–9, 614, 635, and 640, cf. ChronMP 64 and 148.

⁸⁵ ILN 20 May 1933, 714; cf. Furumark, MP 649 s.v. ‘Kariones’ and 590, 614, 628–9, 640, and 649, and ChronMP 42, 67, 70, and 148.

⁸⁶ Ann. ii. 300–2 and 299 fig. 15. Maiuri describes the remains as ‘vestigia della città di Lelos’. But for the problem of the location of the deme of the or see under Kritinía: Kastráki (below).

⁸⁷ Stubbings, Levant 6 fig. 1.

⁸⁸ Marked 549 (ht. a.s.l.) on our map (FIG. I).

⁸⁹ Ann. vi–vii. 252–3 (inv. nos. 3404 and 3403 respectively).

⁹⁰ Biliotti 413–23; Pernier, L., Ann. i (1914) 365–6Google Scholar and fig. 2 (the polygonal wall), and Boll. d'Arte viii (1914) 230–6 and figs. 15–19 (fig. 19 is a sketch map of the district).

⁹¹ Ann. vi–vii. 252.

⁹² Boll. d'Arte viii. 232, cf. Ann. vi–vii. 252.

⁹³ Under FN no. 140 ‘Culepia e. dint.’ The green circle for FN no. 140 on Inglieri' map covers the approximate location of the slit trenches. We did not visit the area of ‘Selino’ (FN no. 139) further to the north-east.

⁹⁴ The location coincides with that marked as FN no. 141 (‘Scali’) by Inglieri, at the spot on his map covered by the 4 in 141.

⁹⁵ Presumably those recorded under ‘Scali’ by Inglieri.

⁹⁶ Apollodorus iii. 13, cf. RE Suppl. v. 750 and RE xi. 1923 (s.v. ).

⁹⁷ Steph. Byz. s.v.

⁹⁸ RE Suppl. v. 750. But Maiuri, , Ann. ii. 301–2Google Scholar, distinguishes the phonetics of and Liro and prefers to locate the deme at Apóilona (see n. 86 above).

⁹⁹ Biliotti 14.

¹⁰⁰ Boll. d'Arte viii. 235–6 and 238 fig. 21 (photo of the façade).

¹⁰¹ Ann. vi–vii. 252–3 (inv. no. 3405).

¹⁰² D pl. 46 no. 11 ( = Kinch, Vroulia 56–7 fig. 24); cf. Furumark, MP 617 and 649 s.v. ‘Kastellos’.

¹⁰³ See below on Siána: Kymisalá.

¹⁰⁴ Bilioni 439–42; Pernier, L., Ann. i. 365–7Google Scholar and Boll. d'Arte viii. 236–42; Maiuri, A., Ann. ii. 285–98Google Scholar and CR i (1928) 83–5.

¹⁰⁵ RE Suppl. v. 750.

¹⁰⁶ Thera i (1899) 370 no. 29 (cf. p. 361), a photo of the plain with Mt. Akramiti behind.

¹⁰⁷ Thera i. 368 nos. 23–4 (cf. p. 361).

¹⁰⁸ Boll. d'Arte viii. 238 and 240 fig. 25.

¹⁰⁹ Miss Zervoudakis recently excavated a fine tomb of the late fifth to fourth centuries B.c. at Skalí on the southwest flank of Fokás, Ayios (ADelt xxiv (1969) B′ 2, 480–2).Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Biliotti 439 and 442 (cf. Furtwaengler, A., Jdi i (1886) 133)Google Scholar; Maiuri, A., Ann. vi–vii. 252–3Google Scholar, who cites, but does not illustrate, four Mycenaean vases from Siána in the Rhodes Museum (nos. 3439, 3384, 3474, and 3475).

¹¹¹ D pl. 39 no. 3 and pl. 50 no. 1, cf. Furumark, MP590 and 653.

¹¹² D pls. 46–60 passim, cf. Furumark, MP 649, 601, 611, 614, 628, 630, and 634; Stubbings, Levant 13.

¹¹³ Maiuri, loc. cit. But the stele said to be sub-Mycenaean or Geometric (Ann. ii 295–7 fig. 14) is more likely to be Archaic.

¹¹⁴ Ann. ii. 296.

¹¹⁵ Memorie ii. 51.

¹¹⁶ BM Cat A no. 1025; cf. Furumark, MP 648.

¹¹⁷ D pls. 39–63 passim; cf. Furumark, MP 645 and 586 to 043 passim.. Desborough, LMTS 156, says that the latest Mycenaean here is of a late phase of L.H. IIIC 1. Maiuri, , Ann. vi–vii. 253–4Google Scholar, speaks of ‘alcuni essemplari di ceramiche di tardo tipo submiceneo’ as influencing the Geometrie. He cites, but does not illustrate, three Mycenaean vases (inv. nos. 3455, 3456, and 3499) from Apollakiá in the Rhodes Museum.

¹¹⁸ Vroulia 2–4; Ann. vi–vii. 253. Three Mycenaean vases only were recovered from the illicit excavations. One (D pl. 45 no. 5), a jug, is probably L.H. IIIB. The Tankard (D pl. 48 no. 11= Vroulia 3 fig. 4) is assigned by Furumark, MP 649 and 623, to L.H. IIIA 2. The third is a Rhyton in the form of an ox-head. This is illustrated and discussed by Karo, G., Jdi xxvi (1911) 249–70Google Scholar, especially 260–1 fig. 12. It is presumably L.H. IIIA 2 or L.H. IIIB.

¹¹⁹ The tombs are where the red circle for FS no. 87 is marked on Inglieri' map.

¹²⁰ Vroulia 3.

¹²¹ Karávi is in fact about 400 m. to north-east of where it is placed on Inglieri' map (FS no. 91).

¹²² The (RE Suppl. v. 746).

¹²³ Vroulia 5.

¹²⁴ Biliotti 424–6, citing Guerin.

¹²⁵ RE Suppl. v. 747.

¹²⁶ Strabo xiv. 655 and Steph. Byz. s.v.

¹²⁷ Diodorus v. 57. 6–8 (and see n. 275 below).

¹²⁸ Biliotti 425.

¹²⁹ i.e. 1400 m. east of where the site is marked on Inglieri' map.

¹³⁰ Blinkenberg, C. and Kinch, K. F., Bulletin de L'Academie Royale des Sciences et des Lettres de Danemark ii (1903) 92–4 and fig. 7.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Cf. Addenda below for a similar fragment from a site on Karpathos.

¹³² Loc. cit.

¹³³ BSA lxv (1970) 52–3.

¹³⁴ Ann. vi–vii. 253–4, and fig. 157.

¹³⁵ The only ancient cemetery listed by him that appears at all likely to be the provenance is FS no. 84.

¹³⁶ Ann. vi–vii. 253.

¹³⁷ Kinch, Vroulia 2–4; Maiuri, , Ann. vi–vii. 253Google Scholar and 255 fig. 158 (nine vases, all Kylikes or Stemmed Bowls); D pls. 39–63 passim; Furumark, MP 654 (s.v. ‘Vatoi’) and 586 to 640 passim. The numerous vases recovered by Kinch range from L.H. IIIA 2 to L.H. IIIC 1. Inglieri also lists a Mycenaean cemetery at Anghió Vounó (FS no. 68), a much higher hill, over a kilometre to the east; cf. Morricone, L., Ann. xliii–xliv (1965–1966) 305 n. 4Google Scholar, for alleged finds.

¹³⁸ Presumably that of (RE Suppl. v. 747).

¹³⁹ D pl. 40 no. 5 and pl. 42 no. 5.

¹⁴⁰ Mp 645 S.V ‘Asklepeio’, cf. 590.

¹⁴¹ Ann. vi–vii. 253, 255–6, and figs. 159–60.

¹⁴² Ann. vi–vii. fig. 160 no. 1; Furumark, MP 618–19.

¹⁴³ Furumark, MP 650 s.v. ‘Lartos’. The two other vases illustrated by Maiuri are dated L.H. IIIC 1 by Furumark. They are a cylindrical cup (Ann. vi–vii fig. 159, cf. Furumark, MP 625) and a basket vase (Ann. vi–vii fig. 160 no. 2, cf. Furumark, MP 640). Karo, G., Jdi xxvi (1911) 260Google Scholar and 259 fig. 11, describes a Rhyton apparently from Lárdos.

¹⁴⁴ The cemetery is incorrectly located on Inglieri' map (FS no. 57). He mentions Geometric burials, and the mark on his map is in fact closer to the location (marked on our map here with an X) of the important Geometric cemetery of Exochí, about a kilometre to north-west of Lárdos; cf. Johansen, K. F., ‘Exochi, ein frührhodisches Gräberfeld’, Ada Archaeologica, Copenhagen xxviii (1958).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Inglieri' mark for FS no. 56 is approximately correct. He has, however, mistakenly added a superfluous second entry (FS no. 55), whose information and reference belong to FS no. 56. The mark for FS no. 55 should accordingly be deleted from his map. The tomb and contents are described by Jacopi, G., Ann. xiii–xiv (1930–1931) 335–43Google Scholar, cf. Historia v (1931) 468–9 (the photo on p. 469 is the same as Ann. xiii–xiv. 336 fig. 84); cf. Laurenzi, , Memorie ii (1938) 15.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Lindos i. 60–8 nos. 1–28.

¹⁴⁷ Lindos i no. 26. It resembles a. jug from near Müskebi, (Archaeology xvii (1964) 247–8)Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ Lindos i. 68–70 nos. 29–40; cf. Maiuri, , Ann. vi–vii. 252–3.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ With the possible exception of pl. 35b (represented upside down?), which may be L.H. IIIA 2. A Stirrup-jar bought by de Launay at Lindos and said to come from there (BCH xxvii (1895) 185, 192–3, and fig. 6) also may belong to L.H. IIIA 2, to judge from the style of its decoration. But, according to U. Koehler, a Stirrup-jar was found in 1892 at Loryma (FS no. 47) to north of Lindos (RE Suppl. v (1930) 738); and this report may well refer to the same vase. The vase bought by de Launay is similar in shape to FS 183 (squat and angular), cf. D pl. 60 no. 3 from Váti.

¹⁵⁰ Lindos i nos. 31–2 and 36—7.

¹⁵¹ BSA lxiv (1969) 71–93 figs. 5–9, 11, and pl. 19.

¹⁵² Lindos i nos. 37 and 40c.

¹⁵³ D pl. 46 no. 5; Furumark, MP 600.

¹⁵⁴ Gerola, G., Ann. i (1914) 338–9Google Scholar, cf. Thera i. 360 and 364 no. 8.

¹⁵⁵ Inglieri, FS no. 46.

¹⁵⁶ Ann. vi–vii. 253.

¹⁵⁷ FN no. 87 (Caminari).

¹⁵⁸ Loc. cit., ‘Nella località Placotò necropoli arcaica con tombe di tipo miceneo a dromos e camera a volta scavate nel fianco della collina.’ The tombs lie between the points on Inglieri' map where FN nos. 86 and 87 are marked.

¹⁵⁹ This is approximately where FN no. 87 is marked on Inglieri' map, although it should properly be ascribed to Placotò (FN no. 86).

¹⁶⁰ The site is briefly mentioned by Photiou, K., in Χαριστήριον εὶς Ἀναστάσιον Κ. Ὄρλανδον Δ' (Athens, 1967–1968) 176Google Scholar with pl. 63 β and pl. 64 α and β (details of the walls). Other sites in north-east Rhodes discussed by Mr. Photiou (op. cit. 169–77) include the ‘acropolis’ of near Kallithiés. This site was investigated in 1968 by the authors and Miss Zervoudakis. Few sherds were found, and none diagnostic, and we were all of the opinion that the extant remains were medieval. In 1970 we investigated the hillock named (near the monastery of ), said by Mr. Photiou to be the true location of the tombs reported by Inglieri (FN no. 79), placed by Inglieri about a kilometre to the north-east, on the steep slopes of Mt. Tsambika). There were no signs visible either of tombs or of an ancient habitation site in this vicinity, although the situation appeared quite promising.

¹⁶¹ BCH lxxiii (1949) 535.

¹⁶² Charitonides, S. I., ADelt xviii (1963) A′ 135–40.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Gerola, G., Ann. i (1914) 337–8.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ RE Suppl. v. 749.

¹⁶⁵ Tissot, C., RA xviii vol. 2 (1868) 153–7Google Scholar, with Plan p. 154 fig. 1, and some good sketches; Della Seta, A., Ann. vi–vii (1923–1924) 564Google Scholar, reporting a brief excavation by Dr. Zancani; Gaertringen, Hiller von, Thera i. 360 and 363 no. 3Google Scholar, a view to north from the site.

¹⁶⁶ Memorie ii. 51.

¹⁶⁷ ADelt xviii (1963) A′ 133–4.

¹⁶⁸ Cf. the commentary on Rhodian agriculture in the Admiralty Geographical Handbook Dodecanese (1943) 129–44Google Scholar, especially 136, ‘only one-twelfth is intensively farmed’.

¹⁶⁹ Loc. cit., ‘There are 1,500 beehives’ (sc. on Rhodes) ‘yielding 45 tons of honey and 15 tons of wax, gathered in spring and autumn.’

¹⁷⁰ No conclusion can be drawn from the one Kattavía sherd (PLATE 39a. 1) which may be L.H. IIIA 1.

¹⁷¹ We follow Furumark' classification, rather than that of Stubbings, especially as regards attributions to L.H. IIIA 2 of certain vases from Apollakiá, Lachaniá, Váti, and Lardos. And some of the vases recently discovered at Archángelos and Koskinóu are also assigned to L.H. IIIA 2. But exact chronology is still uncertain, and we therefore refrain from drawing further conclusions, or undertaking a revision of the distribution maps given by Stubbings, Levant 6 fig. 1.

¹⁷² Gerola, G., Ann. ii (1916) 6–11 figs. 6–8.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Susini, G., Ann. xli–xlii (1963–1964) 247–59Google Scholar, especíally 249 fig. 42 (isodomic wall) and fig. 43 (polygonal wall). Both walls are shown in Gerola' photograph, Ann. ii. 8 fig. 6; cf. Thera i. 372 no. 37.

¹⁷⁴ CR ii (1932) 117–64, especially plan opposite p. 160.

¹⁷⁵ Handbook Dodecanese 144–7 gives an estimate of 4,000 inhabitants in 1912.

¹⁷⁶ Ann. ii (1916) 11–12 and xli–xlii (1963–4) 260–1.

¹⁷⁷ RE ii². 1873–5; Dawkins, R. M. and Wace, A. J. B., BSA xii (1905–1906) 151Google Scholar; IG xii³. 167–246 and pp. 229–30; SEG xiv. 519, xv. 506, xvi. 467–8, xviii. 326; M. D. Volonakis, in 953–5 (s.v. );ATL i. 240–1 and 472, iii. ai, 53, 210, and 240. iv. 14; W. Peek, Inschriften … (see select bibliography) 34–51.

¹⁷⁸ Hiller von Gaertringen, F., IG xii.³30.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ Volonakis, loc. cit.

¹⁸⁰ For the little that is known about him cf. Jacoby, F., FGH ii. B 2, 468–80.Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ IG iv. 917 and 1418; cf. Kavvadias, P., Fouilles d'Épidaure i (1891) 233Google Scholar and 267 and IG xii³, p. 30.

¹⁸² Renewed in 105 B.C. (IG xii³. 173).

¹⁸³ (By bringing down the roof of the schoolhouse on the heads of the pupils.) The story is given both by Plutarch, (Rom. xxviii. 4–5Google Scholar) and by Pausanias (v. 9. 6–8). From Pausanias’ account (cf. v. 9. 4–5) it appears that the events took place in the 73rd Olympiad (488 B.c.). Cleomedes was subsequently exonerated and reinstated, and in the citation is described as

¹⁸⁴ Ovid, , Ars. Am. ii. 82Google Scholar, ‘cinctaque piscosis Astypalaea vadis’.

¹⁸⁵ Aristotle, ap. Aelianus, De Natura Animalium (as excerpted by Ar. Byz. Epit.) 5. 8.

¹⁸⁶ Volonakis, loc. cit. The disciple is credited with ridding the island not only of snakes, but of every kind of poisonous creature.

¹⁸⁷ Cited by Athenaeus ix. 400 (Müller, C., FHG iv. 421Google Scholar). The time of the plague is set in the reign of Antigonos Gonatas.

¹⁸⁸ Hares are still fairly abundant. In October 1970 the proprietor of an Astypalaian restaurant inaugurated the reopening of his shop with a dish of jugged hare sufficient for all comers. He had shot all the hares in one early morning hunt.

¹⁸⁹ Sources: Dawkins, and Wace, , BSA xii (1905–1906) 151–9Google Scholar; Gerola, , Ann. ii (1916) 70–6Google Scholar; Volonakis, op. cit.; Admiralty Handbook Dodecanese (1943) 77–80Google Scholar; Myres, J. L., Geographical History in Greek Lands (Oxford, 1953) 279–80 and 333.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ The inscription (beside the castle gate) which pre serves this evidence is well illustrated, transcribed, and discussed by Gerola, , Ann. ii. 74–6.Google Scholar The island still preserves a North Cycladic dialect and style of embroidery.

¹⁹¹ BSA xii. 159 and n. 1.

¹⁹² Myres, op. cit. 280 (cf. 333), ‘in the original treaty … an astronomical line was found to cut across both Amorgos and Astypalaea, and a supplementary agreement had to be made, exchanging the Turkish half of Amorgos for the Greek half of Astypalaea’.

¹⁹³ The population in 1922 was 1,400, and by 1937 had increased to 1,799.

¹⁹⁴ We are grateful to Michaelis Kadounias, the town clerk of Astypalaia, for these estimates of produce.

¹⁹⁵ The estimated annual production of ‘mandarinia’ is about 150 tons.

¹⁹⁶ About 80 tons produced annually.

¹⁹⁷ About 7 tons produced in the better years.

¹⁹⁸ About 3 tons annual production.

¹⁹⁹ BSA xii. 154 and 158–9.

²⁰⁰ Including Mr. Kostas Yannaros, who acted as guide to Hope Simpson on several journeys. The flocks are leased by the ‘Mándhra’ (comprising the sheep-fold, animals, and demarcated grazing rights) from the church, usually for a four-year term.

²⁰¹ For the Classical and later periods see BSA xii. 151–9.

²⁰² Hope Simpson accompanied Miss Zervoudakis and Miss Archontidou to Astypalaia in October 1970. The reports which follow comprise the work of all three scholars. We are also grateful to the guard, Mr. Nikolaos Manolakis, who assisted us on some of the journeys, particularly in the joint visit to Kástro tou Ayíou Ioánnou, and to Mr. Kostas Yannaros. The survey of the island, although not complete, was more thorough than usual, since a very strong northerly gale precluded departure for over a week beyond schedule.

²⁰³ Excellent photos of the Kástro and Chóra are given by Gerola, , Ann. ii. 70–6Google Scholar figs. 60–1. The castle is being repaired by the Greek Archaeological Service.

²⁰⁴ Op. cit. 152–3. The blocks are not well cut, and the style resembles that of the rough polygonal terrace walls noted at Megalochório on Telos, (BSA lxv. 66).Google Scholar Dawkins and Wace thought the wall might be ‘as early as the fifth century’. But a Hellenistic date seems more likely.

²⁰⁵ BSA xii. 153–4.

²⁰⁶ It is only about 20 m. a.s.l., and the water has to be pumped up to Chóra in two stages, involving a further pumping station at Livádhia.

²⁰⁷ Cf. BSA xii. 154.

²⁰⁸ BSA xii. 154.

²⁰⁹ BSA loc. cit.

²¹⁰ BSA xii. 154. with figs. 2 and 3. This and other island refuge towers are discussed by Ormerod, H. A., LAAA xi (1924) 31–6Google Scholar; cf. Young, J. H., AJA lx (1956) 51–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar for twenty-four round towers on Siphnos of Classical to Hellenistic date.

²¹¹ Our photos (PLATE 43a and b) may be compared with BSA xii. 155 fig. 2.

²¹² BSA xii. 154.

²¹³ Recently investigated by MrsZafiropoulou, F., ADelt xxii (1967) B′ 2, 465–7Google Scholar and AAA iii (1970) 48–51.

²¹⁴ AAA iii (1970) 342.

²¹⁵ Della Seta, A., Boll. d'Arte iv (1924–1925) 87–8.Google Scholar

²¹⁶ Thera i (1899) 370 no. 30 (cf. p. 361).

²¹⁷ Thera i. 371 no. 31; cf. Ross, , Inselreisen iii (1845) 46–7Google Scholar, with ground plan.

²¹⁸ Thera i. 371 nos. 32–4, 372 no. 35.

²¹⁹ Boll. d'Arte iv (1924–5) 91–2.

²²⁰ A celt from Katakrotiri on Leros, (BSA lxv. 54 and pl. 18c)Google Scholar may be Neolithic. Sherds said to be Neolithic were found on the north-west tip of Ialysos acropolis (p. 137 above); and a sherd from Archangelos (FIG. 9 no. 15 above) may possibly be Neolithic.

²²¹ Levi, D., Ann. viii–ix (1925–1926) 235–310Google Scholar (Asprípetra); Maiuri, A., CR i (1928) 104–17Google Scholar (Ayia Varvara, Chiromándhres, and Vathý on Kalymnos), cf. Furness, A., PPS xxii (1956) 173–212Google Scholar, especially 188–93.

²²² PPS xxii. 193, where pottery from the digging of a well in the Vathý valley is also discussed (described by Burton Brown, T., JHS lxvii (1947) 128CrossRefGoogle Scholar as ‘late Neolithic and early Bronze Age’).

²²³ PPS xxii, ibid., especially 191–2.

²²⁴ The greatest affinities are with Anatolian Late Chalcolithic (cf. the relevant bibliography cited by French, D. H., AS xix (1969) 76Google Scholar, especially the publications by French, Hood, and Mellaart).

²²⁵ We follow the chronology proposed by Renfrew, C., AJA lxxiii (1969) 1–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar, rather than that of Hood, M. S. F., Bericht … V Int. Kongr.für vor- und Frühgeschichte (Hamburg 1958, publ. Berlin 1961) 398–403.Google Scholar

²²⁶ Ann. viii–ix. 294 fig. 82.

²²⁷ BSA lxv. 58 fig. 7 no. 8.

²²⁸ BSA lxv. 57 pl. 20b. 4 (referred to in error on p. 58 ibid, as ‘PLATE 20b, 5’).

²²⁹ Renfrew, C. and Belmont, J. S., AJA lxviii (1964) 398–9Google Scholar, cf. AJA lxxiii. 3 and Milojčić, V., Samos i. 57Google Scholar; for the ‘baking-pans’ cf. Asea 55–6 figs. 57c and 58, and Agora xiii. 44–5 (nos. 184–6 and 188) with discussion on pp. 15 and 20.

²³⁰ Samos i. pl. 35 no. 74 and pl. 40 no. 25.

²³¹ AM lx–lxi (1935–6) pl. 34 no. 6 and pp. 136–40.

²³² JHS xvi (1896) 204 and 264; cf. BSA 1 (1955) 118.

²³³ PAE 1951. 107–8 and 109 fig. 23.

²³⁴ Agora xiii nos. 184–6 and 188, and possibly no. 214.

²³⁵ BSA lxv. 63 pl. 18d. 1.

²³⁶ AJA lxviii. 399 nn. 24–6.

²³⁷ PPS xxii. 202 from Ayio Gála.

²³⁸ PPS xxii. 202 (Tigáni) and Samos i pl. 48 no. 30 (Heraion).

²³⁹ BSA lxv. 60 pl. 20b. 1.

²⁴⁰ BSA lxv. 57 pl. 20b. 3; cf. PPS xxii. 181 fig. 9.

²⁴¹ AJA lxviii. 398 nn. 17–20; cf. Agora xiii. 18–21.

²⁴² BSA 1. 118.

²⁴³ Samos i pl. 31 no. 2.

²⁴⁴ BSA lxv. 52–3.

²⁴⁵ Levi, D., Ann. xxxix–xl (1961–1962) 518.Google Scholar The finds from the prehistoric cemetery at lasos are published in part by Levi, D., Ann. xxxix–xl (1961–1962) 555–71Google Scholar and xliii–xliv (1965–6) 479–546.

²⁴⁶ BSA lxv. 56–7.

²⁴⁷ AJA lxxiii. 9. These handles occur on pithoi (cf. Délos xi. 35 fig. 34) or large ovoid jars (cf. Samos i pl. 16 no. 3 = pl. 44 no. 3, and pl. 24 no. i). A sherd from Amorgos, (AM xi (1886) 18 no. A2 on fig. 1 opposite p. 16)Google Scholar also seems to be from this latter shape, cf. ADelt xx (1965) A′ 46 and pl. 33b from a site on the east coast of Naxos.

²⁴⁸ Boll. d'Arte xxxv (1950) 324–5 and figs. 98 and 101; cf. Ann. xliii–xliv. 306, and BSA lxv. 57.

²⁴⁹ Vermeule, E., Archaeology xvii (1964) 244–9.Google Scholar

²⁵⁰ lindos i no. 26 (see p. 151 above). Another somewhat finer jug of the same general type is said to have been found on Rhodes (D pl. 36 no. 2). This is, however, much more like jugs from Yortan, especially BMCat A nos. 5, 6, and 19; cf. Orthmann, W., Ist. Mitt, xvi (1966) 1–26Google Scholar, especially fig. 1 no. 8, fig. 2 no. 11, and fig. 4 no. 26.

²⁵¹ ADelt xx (1965) B′ 3, 602 pl. 768b and c; cf. Samos i pl. 15 no. 5 and pl. 21 no. 7.

²⁵² BSA lxv. 58 nn. 35–6.

²⁵³ Cf. Samos i. 10–12, 58, and 65–7 for a pithos burial of this date at the Heraion site.

²⁵⁴ French, D. H., AS xvi (1966) 49 and 53 fig. 7 no. 1.Google Scholar He notes also some other sherds from the Seraglio which may also belong to West Anatolian E.B. III.

²⁵⁵ PPS xxii. 191, where Miss Furness compares the Vathý vase with BM Cat A no. 330 (cf. Phylakopi 89 and pl. 4 no. 6). Renfrew, , AJA lxxiii. 24Google Scholar, points out that Phylakopi I succeeds the Keros-Syros culture, and thus belongs to the end of the Early Bronze Age. French, , AS xvii (1967) 36Google Scholar, mentions E.B. III parallels from lasos, and more may be expected.

²⁵⁶ D pl. 36 no. 1. The exact provenance is given as Váti, but the other finds from Váti in the Copenhagen Museum are all Mycenaean.

²⁵⁷ BSA lxv (1970) 50 pl. 18a. 1 (resembling a sherd from Paroikia on Paros, cf. AM xlii ( 1917) 59–60 and fig. 65), and possibly pl. 18a. 2 and 3.

²⁵⁸ PLATE 44a. 7 above.

²⁵⁹ Scholes, K., BSA li (1956) 36 and n. 3.Google Scholar

²⁶⁰ BICS xvi (1969) 1 and n. 6.

²⁶¹ Loc. cit. and pp. 135–7 above.

²⁶² Boll. d'Arte xxxv. 320–3, especially 321 n. 119, and Ann. xliii—xliv. 306.

²⁶³ CR i. 110–17, especially 114–15 and 117.

²⁶⁴ 1st. Mitt. vii (1957) 117–18 and pl. 28 no. 3; 1st. Mitt. ix–x (1959–60) 1–96 and pls. 32 and 39.

²⁶⁵ AM lx–lxi (1935–6) 169 and 190–6, cf. BSA lvii (1962) 173 n. 195.

²⁶⁶ Ann. xxxix–xl (1961–2) 518; AS xx (1970) 14–16.

²⁶⁷ This latter period, formerly somewhat underestimated (cf., e.g., Vermeule, E., Greece in the Bronze Age (1964) 112–55)Google Scholar, is now clearly recognized as a distinct and substantial one, as is clearly demonstrated by the Kea and Kythera excavations, as well as by supplementary excavations at Knossos by M. S. F. Hood (report forthcoming; cf. JHSArch for 1961–2, 25–7 and ILN 17 Feb. 1962, 259–61), and at Palaíkastro, (BSA lx (1965) 248–315Google Scholar and lxv (1970) 203–42).

²⁶⁸ Huxley, G. L., Crete and the Luwians (1961) 1–7Google Scholar, cf. BSA lvii. 173–4.

²⁶⁹ Report forthcoming.

²⁷⁰ Morricone, L., Ann. xliii–xliv. 306Google Scholar; Kondis, I., PAE 1959, 195Google Scholar; cf. BSA lxv. 55 nn. 29–30.

²⁷¹ BSA. lvii 173–4; Popham, M., SIMA xii (1970) 88 n. 95.Google Scholar

²⁷² These destructions may well have been simultaneous (BSA lxv (1970) 230–2, cf. SIMA xii. 86–7); and it has been shown that the explanation of the widespread fires at most of the sites may be connected with phenomena accompanying or directly preceding the main Thera eruption. It is argued by some that colossal tsunamis following the eruption would have struck the Cretan coasts, and by most that the fall-out of volcanic ash would have ruined Cretan agriculture and poisoned the environment for several years. But, whereas the Akrotíri site was deserted apparently towards the end of L.M. IA, and afterwards covered with successive layers of pumice and volcanic ash, the Cretan sites were destroyed when L.M. IB was already well advanced, and were subsequently abandoned for a period of years. Most were reoccupied in L.M. IIIA 1 (SIMA xii. 88 n. 95). The exact time of the main Thera eruption has yet to be determined. Only a few signs of disruption in Crete during L.M. IA have been noted, e.g. at Amnisos (Marinatos, S., Antiquity xiii (1939) 425–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar), Vathípetro and Palaíkastro (Hood, M. S. F., The Minoans (1971) 58–60Google Scholar). Current theories concerning the Santorini volcano are discussed by Page, D. L., JHS Suppl. xii (1969)Google Scholar; Vermeule, E., Archaeology xxiv (1971) 130–5Google Scholar; and M. S. F. Hood, The Minoans 54–60, with bibliography p. 155 n. 13. In addition to the preliminary reports on the Thera excavations, Marinatos has published accounts in AAA, ADelt, and elsewhere, especially in National Geographic Magazine cxli. 5 (May 1972) 702–26.

²⁷³ Discussed by Warren, P., PPS xxxiii (1967) 37–56.Google Scholar For Phylakopi cf. BSA li (1956) 9–40; for Ayia Iríni on Kea cf. Hesperia xxxi (1962) 263–83, xxxiii (1964) 314–35, and xxxv (1966) 363–76; and for Kastrí on Kythera cf. Huxley, G. L. and Coldstream, J. N., Kythera (London 1972), especially 277–309.Google Scholar See n. 272 above for Akrotíri on Thera.

²⁷⁴ Coldstream, J. N., ‘The Thera Eruption: some thoughts on the survivors’, BICS xvi (1969) 150–2Google Scholar, distinguishes a late phase of L.M. IB, denoted in particular by the ‘alternating style’. This occurs on some island sites to north and west of Thera, outside the main zone affected by the Thera eruption; cf. Kythera 302–6.

²⁷⁵ Furumark, Trianda; Stubbings, Levant 5–8. Luce, J. V., The End of Atlantis (1970) 109–10Google Scholar and 121, suggests a connexion between the end of Trianda IIA and the myths (Diodorus v. 55–7) concerning floods in Rhodes. The second of these obliterated the city of Cyrbe, and afterwards Lindos, Ialysos, and Kameiros divided the land, eachfounding a city bearing his name. The suggestion is attractive, but the difficulties are obvious.

²⁷⁶ BSA li. 24–40.

²⁷⁷ Weickert, C., Bericht über den VI Intern. Kongr. für Arch. (Berlin, 1940) 325–32 and pl. 24Google Scholar; Furumark, , OpArch vi 201–3Google Scholar; Weickert, C., Ist. Mitt. vii (1957) 102–32Google Scholar, ix–x (1959–60) 1–96, and Neue Deutsche Ausgrabungen im Mittelmeergebiet und im Vorderen Orient (Berlin, 1959) 181–96; cf. Stubbings, Levant 23, Desborough, LMTS 161–3 and index s.v. Miletus. For recent finds, Kleiner, G., Alt-Milet (1966) 11–14Google Scholar and Die Ruinen von Milet (1968) 9–10, 24–5, 125; cf. Ist. Mitt. xviii (1968) 87–8, 144–5. For the substantial building pre-dating the fortification wall, AJA lxxiii ( 1969) 211 and J HS Arch for 1970–71, 44–5.

²⁷⁸ Charitonides, S. I., ADelt xvii (1961–1962) 32–76Google Scholar, cf. BSA lxv. 69. See SIMA xii. 88 and 94–5 for Minoan trade in L.M. IIIA.

²⁷⁹ The beaked jug (BM Cat A no. 972) and the angular cup (BMCat A no. 973), cf. ChronMP 67–8. But cf. BSA lvii. 161 n. 8 for Rhodian parallels to the other vases.

²⁸⁰ Stubbings, Levant 8.

²⁸¹ Stubbings, Levant 21; cf. Ann. xliii–xliv (1965–6) 5–311.

²⁸² Desborough, LMTS 153–4.

²⁸³ BSA lxv. 68–9.

²⁸⁴ Although these are few, and not definitely associated with any buildings, a reoccupation of the site at this time seems likely, following the pattern of Ayia Iríni (see n. 273 above), Phylakopi (Furumark, , OpArch vi. 264Google Scholar), and Kastrí (Kythera 302–6).

²⁸⁵ Cf. Desborough, LMTS 161–3; JHSArch for 1970–71, 44–5.

²⁸⁶ The pottery from the L.H. cemetery here is entirely Mycenaean in character. It is now fully recorded by Boysal, Y., Katalog der Vasen im Museum in Bodrum i (Ankara 1969) 1–28, pls. 1–33Google Scholar; cf. Bass, G., AJA lxvii (1963) 352–7Google Scholar; Boysal, Y., TAD xiii. 2 (1964) 81–5Google Scholar and xiv (1965) 123–4, Belleten xxxi (1967) 67–83, and Anadolu xi (1967) 1–9, 31–9, 45–56, especially 54: ‘Most of the pottery found in the tombs at Müskebi belongs to Mycenaean IIIA 2; IIIB follows this in quantity, IIIA 1 and IIIC finds are relatively few.’ The tombs are some distance inland, in a reasonably fertile district.

²⁸⁷ Ann. xliii–xliv. 5–311, especially 309. It is noted that, if the L.H. IIIB/C (transitional) vases are included, the L.H. IIIC approximately equals the L.H. IIIA and L.H. IIIB combined. Notable are the ‘Octopus Style’ stirrup-jars (cf. Desborough, LMTS 271–2, frontispiece, and pl. 6).

²⁸⁸ Desborough, LMTS 147–63, 227–8, and index s.v. Perati, Naxos, Kameiros, Kos, Samos, Emborio, and Miletus.

²⁸⁹ LMTS 158–9, 228.

²⁹⁰ LMTS 161 nn. 1–2, cf. Furumark, MP 566 n. 1, 613–14. The vase is thought to have come from a cemetery to east of Pitane, and Mycenaean sherds, together with fragments of Trojan face urns, are reported from Kocabačlar, 2 kilometres to the east, cf. JHSArch for 1964–5, 36 and 44: AJA lxvii (1963) 189.

²⁹¹ LMTS 238–9.

²⁹² LMTS 162–3, 227.

²⁹³ LMTS 155–6, 233 (excluding the alleged ‘Submycenaean’ from Apollakiá, cf. LMTS 156 and n. 2).

²⁹⁴ LMTS 154–6, ‘as late as, or later than, anything in Rhodes (by Argive standards)’; cf. Furumark, ChronMP 77.

²⁹⁵ Ann. xliii–xliv. 311.

²⁹⁶ LMTS 156, 233 ‘at a very late stage of L.H. IIIC’.

²⁹⁷ 1st. Mitt. ix–x. 37–8, pls. 51–2; LMTS 21, 163, 233, 254, and 269.

²⁹⁸ JHS vii. 64–82; LMTS 21, 162, and 254; PGP 218–21; Anadolu xi (1967) 14–15, 43–4.

²⁹⁹ Boysal, Y., Anadolu xi. 3, 10–14, 39–44Google Scholar (cf. AJA lxxiii (1969) 211–12, lxxiv (1970) 165–6), and Katalog der Vasen im Museum in Bodrum i ( 1969) 29–31, pls. 34–6.

³⁰⁰ Levi, D., Ann. xliii–xliv (1965–1966) 417 and fig. 26.Google Scholar

³⁰¹ LMTS 153, 158; cf. PGP 222–33 (Rhodes and Kos), and BSA lvii (1962) 173 n. 187 and 174 (Kalymnos). Cold-stream, GGP 262–5, also comments on the Late Protogeometric from Rhodes and Kos and on the contemporary vases from Dirmil in the Halicarnassus peninsula (cf. Bass, G., AJA lxvii (1963) 357–Google Scholar61, and Y. Boysal, Katalog … Bodrum i. 31–2 and pls. 37–8, cf. Anadolu xi. 15–16 and 44–5.

³⁰² Championed, inter altos, by G. L. Huxley, Achaeans and Hittites (1960).

³⁰³ AS xviii (1968) 169–85.

³⁰⁴ AS xviii. 187–202.

³⁰⁵ AS xviii. 179. MacQueen makes full use of Homeric illumination when it suits his book (AS xviii. 175 nn. 62–5), although the argument is here precariously buttressed also by an unproven identification proffered by Leaf.

³⁰⁶ AS xviii. 183 (but possibly the writer here has in mind the wilds of Thrace and barren Gallipoli?).

³⁰⁷ Mellaart, loc. cit.

³⁰⁸ Huxley, Achaeans and Hittites 16, cf. Desborough, LMTS 218–19. MacQueen argues (AS xviii. 183) that the Hittite scribe inserted the name of Aḫḫiyavā (in AU xvii) because it was an independent power, and then removed it because it had ceased to be an independent power. But the scribe' hesitancy is best attributed to his uncertainty. The latter is perhaps excusable, since the correspondence with Aḫḫiyavā was intermittent, forming only a very small proportion of the Hittite archives.

³⁰⁹ AS xviii. 180–1; cf. Page, History and the Homeric Iliad 10–14. MacQueen diverts attention from this vital point by stressing the leniency shown by the Emperor on another occasion when dealing with an offender. But he also demonstrates that the Emperor was in that case fully in control, and that his leniency was tempered by cunning (AS xviii. 181 n. III).

³¹⁰ Boysal, Y., Anadolu xi (1967) 45–56Google Scholar, following Page, History and the Homeric Iliad 1–40.

³¹¹ Assigned to Myc. IIIA by Boysal, , Anadolu xi. 45–6Google Scholar, cf. TAD xiii. 2 (1964) 125–33 (preliminary report in JHSArch for 1964–5, 44 and 49). They were found in front of the ‘Gate of the Persecution’ on the Byzantine citadel (Ayasoluk), and are presumed to be from a disturbed tomb. The citadel itself appears to be the likeliest candidate for the site of a Mycenaean settlement here.

³¹² AJA xxvii (1923) 67; Hesperia xiii (1944) 91 and 94; Stubbings, Levant 23; Desborough, LMTS 161.

³¹³ Apart from Miss M. J. Mellink' invaluable reports annually in AJA, recent discussions include: J. M. Cook and D. J. Blackman, JHSArch for 1964–5, 32–62; Boysal, Y., Anadolu xi (1967) 45–56Google Scholar; Hanfmann, G. M. A. and Waldbaum, Jane C., AJA lxxii (1968) 51–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mellaart, J., AS xviii (1968) 187–202Google Scholar; and French, D. H., AS xix (1969) 73–5Google Scholar, with chronological chart, fig. 7.

³¹⁴ n. 290.

³¹⁵ AJA lxii (1968) 52; cf. AS xix (1969) 52 nos. 31 and 33 (Two possibly Mycenaean sherds from Eřriköy near by), cf. pp. 73–4.

³¹⁶ Desborough, LMTS 161.

³¹⁷ Loc. cit.

³¹⁸ AS xviii. 188.

³¹⁹ AS xix. 73 n. 17 and 90 fig. 23.

³²⁰ Desborough, loc. cit.; JHSArch for 1964–5, 44, but cf. AS xix. 73 n. 16. For further discussion cf. Hanfmann, G. M. A. and Waldbaum, Jane C., in Essays in Honor of Nelson Glueck (New York 1970) 308–10.Google Scholar

³²¹ AJA lxii. 134.

³²² Stubbings, Levant 23: Desborough, LMTS 161.

³²³ Anadolu xi. 46—7 and pl. 23.

³²⁴ AS xiv (1964) 30; JHSArch for 1964–5, 44; AS xviii. 188.

³²⁵ AM xii (1887) 230 fig. 10.

³²⁶ Stubbings, Levant 23.

³²⁷ AJA lii (1948) 140, cf. JHSArch for 1964–5, 44.

³²⁸ Anadolu xi. 47 and AJA lxxii. 53.

³²⁹ AJA lxii. 51–6.

³³⁰ AS xx (1970) 15; AJA lxxiv (1970) 171; AS xxi (1971) 38–9; JHSArch for 1970–71 46–7.

³³¹ AS xix (1969) 18; AJA lxxiii (1969) 219.

³³² AJA lxxiv. 163 and 166.

³³³ JHSArch for 1964–5, 43; AJA lxxi (1967) 163–4; AJA lxxiii. 212.

³³⁴ AJA lxxi. 163–4.

³³⁵ AS xviii. 192 n. 11.

³³⁶ AS xviii. 189.

³³⁷ AS loc. cit.

³³⁸ Stubbings, Levant 102–11. For Mycenaean finds in the Middle East since 1951, Hankey, V., BSA lxii (1967) 107–47.Google Scholar

³³⁹ Anadolu xi. 53–4 nn. 62–4.

³⁴⁰ Katalog … Bodrum i (passim); cf. AJA lxvii (1963) 355 n.22.

³⁴¹ Stubbings, Levant 23.

³⁴² Catling, H. W., Richards, E. E., and Blin-Stoyle, A. E., BSA lviii (1963) 94–115Google Scholar; Catling, H. W. and Miliett, A., BSA lx (1965) 212–24.Google Scholar

³⁴³ BSA lviii. 114.

³⁴⁴ Cf. BSA lvii. 156 n. 10 for Nireus’ ‘peraea’ in the Cnidia.

³⁴⁵ Stubbings, Levant 110–11.

³⁴⁶ Cf. AS xviii. 188 for comment on the idea of ‘Mycenaeanized Carians’. Apart from the Homeric distinction between Carians (Il. ii. 867–8) and Leleges (Il. x. 428–9), the Late Bronze Age walls of Miletus are of Anatolian rather than Helladic type. They are compared to those of Enkomi (JHSArch for 1970–71, 44–5). For a neat discussion of post-Homeric traditions concerning the Carians cf. Bass, G., AJA lxvii (1963) 357 n. 35.Google Scholar

³⁴⁷ Hope Simpson and Lazenby, The Catalogue of the Ships in Homer' Iliad 118–19.