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II—Excavations at Sparta, 1906: § 9.—Inscriptions from the Artemisium

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 October 2013

Extract

The inscriptions may be classed as follows: (1) about fifty from the Artemisium; (2) a few fragments found near the Altar; (3) about forty from various other sites. The last class includes many which were found built into the late Byzantine walls and a few which were obtained outside the area of the excavation, but are undoubtedly of Spartan origin. A final section deals with the inscriptions copied by Fourmont.

It has been thought best to publish without delay everything but small fragments. The commentary does not claim to be complete; this applies especially to the inscriptions from the Artemisium, where no finality of conclusion can be reached until all available stones have been dug out and read. With very few exceptions the inscriptions are given from my own copies and impressions.

Type
Laconia
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1906

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References

page 351 note 1 I wish to thank Mr. M. N. Tod for his great kindness in reading through the whole of this article, and for many valuable corrections, notes, and references; and Mr. D. G. Hogarth and Dr. W. H. D. Rouse for their help and suggestions. Mr. A. M. Woodward has kindly supplied the paragraphs marked with his initials.

page 352 note 1 Her image was said to be that stolen from the Tauri by Iphigenia and Orestes (Paus. iii. 16, § 7). Helen was said to have danced in her temple (Plut. Thes. 31).

page 352 note 2 Paus. ib. § 10.

page 352 note 3 Alcman, fr. 5 (Bergk) 60 ff. Ταὶ πελειὰδες γὰρ ἁμίν ῾Ορθίᾳ φᾶρος φεροίσαις νύκτα δι ᾿ ἀμβροσίαν ἄτε αήριον ἄστρον ἀϝειρομέναι μάχονται

page 352 note 4 Paus. ib.; Plut. Lycurg. 18 … . . . πολλοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τῆς ᾿Ορθίας ἐωράκαμεν ἀποθνήσκοντας ταῖς πληγαῖς Cf. Plut. Inst. Lacon. p. 239 C; cf. Wide, Sam, Lakonische Kulte, 99, 113, and pp. 317 f. above.Google Scholar

page 352 note 5 These are given below.

page 353 note 1 For a reproduction see p. 334, Fig. 1.

page 354 note 1 The tenth year of a boy's life being denoted by μικιχιζόμενος such boys are often called boys of ten years; whereas (as far as can be determined) they were still according to our reckoning nine years old.

page 355 note 1 This abbreviation has been adopted throughout for Sparta Museum Catalogue.

page 355 note 2 A literal translation is added to each inscription. I have chosen Latin for the sake of keeping the order of words.

page 357 note 1 Meister in Collitz-Bechtel, III. 2, p. 145, reads κέλωρ with the same sense.

page 358 note 1 Reproduced in Walpole, , Memoirs, p. 321Google Scholar, where no mention is made of the inscription; the date therefore cannot be inferred.

page 358 note 2 The name is fairly common. Two examples both distinct from the present in Pape-Bens. s.v. Preger, l.c. 341, follows Boeckh's reading without noticing the possibility of taking it otherwise.

page 358 note 3 The numbers added in brackets are those of the day-book of the Excavation, and, temporarily, those of the Museum where the stones have been placed.

page 365 note 1 [Or probably his grandfather.—A. M. W.]

page 365 note 2 The reading in B.C.H. l.c. may be corrected from Οὐλπιανοῦ to Οὐλπίου on the strength of the present inscription. Cf. S.M.C. 211.

page 372 note 1 [This inscription seems to give us a new member of the family of Eurycles, namely a Lacon, son of that C. Julius Lacon who was son of Eurycles and prominent in Laconia under Claudius: his name appears on coins of that Emperor (Catalogue, B.M., Peloponnesus, Pl. XXV. 12Google Scholar). His existence had been already conjectured by Paton, J. M. (Transactions of the American Philol. Assoc. 1895, 38Google Scholar, where a family-tree is given). This inscription probably dates at latest from the reign of Claudius. The elder Lacon also had a son named Argolicus, who was married before 33 A.D. (Tac. Ann. vi. 18); which places his own birth earlier than 15 B.C., at least. It is apparently Lacon the younger who is Eponymus for the second time in C.I.G. 1347.—A. M.W.]

page 373 note 1 Cf. perhaps 26, l. 6.

page 374 note 1 [We seem to have another previously unknown member of the Eurycles family, for it is probable that the elder Lachares is the father of C. Julius Eurycles, and thus that the younger one—not known elsewhere—is the latter's (? younger) brother; as Lachares was killed before the battle of Actium (Plutarch, , Ant. 67Google Scholar), this inscription dates back to the first century B.C.: a conclusion which suits the date of S.M.C. 205, in which Eubalces occurs.—A.M.W.]

page 374 note 2 2194 was found in the wall of the upper Roman building, trench B.

page 379 note 1 Wide, , Lak. Kulte, 68, 69Google Scholar, where several references are given, cf. 95. Cf. also Le Bas-Foucart, , Explication, p. 101.Google Scholar

page 381 note 1 The shortening of -ιον to ιν which in the end produced the modern Greek forms ending in began at a fairly early date: cf. Jannaris, , Hist. Gk. Gram. §§ 302–3.Google Scholar

page 381 note 2 -ΟΙ as a dative ending is common in archaic inscriptions; cf. I.G.A. 63. Roberts, , Introd. to Gk. Epigr. i. p. 253Google Scholar, No. 254, ΝΓΙΟΙ [᾿πλυ]νπίῳ

page 381 note 3 Rhein. Mus. xxxviii. (1883) 293. Hesych. μῶα ψδὴ ποιά Plato, Laws 666 D ποίαν δὲ ᾄσουσιν οἱ ἄγδρες φωνὴν ἤ μοῦσαν (quoted by Meister ap. Collitz-Bechtel, III. 2, p. 144); Ar. Lysist. 1297 (chorus of Spartan women) μῶα μόλε Λάκαινα

page 381 note 4 So Diels, , Hermes xxxi. 1896, 339 ff.Google Scholar The passage of Alcman has already been quoted, p. 352, footnote, above.

page 382 note 1 In Collitz-Bechtel, III. 2, pp. 143 ff. Hesych. Καλαοίδια ἀγὼν ἐπιτελούμενος ᾿Αρτέμιδι παρὰ Λάκωσιν.—Καλαβοίδια ἐν τῷ τῆς Δερεάτιδος ίερῷ ᾿Αρτέμιδος ᾀδόμενοι ὕμνοι. This word may be a form of κελῆα Hesych. Κέλωρ φωιή Compare the words κέλαδος κελαδεῖν, κ.τ.λ.

page 382 note 2 Inscr. (d) proves nothing against this, for there may have been three winners, or the same ἀγέλη might have won both μῶα and κελῆα

page 383 note 1 Loc. cit., where the various forms of the word are explained.

page 383 note 2 ᾿Αθήναιον i. 256.

page 383 note 3 Λακωνικά 363.

page 383 note 4 In Le Bas, Explication, p. 143.Google Scholar

page 383 note 5 Loc. cit. 342.

page 383 note 6 Op. cit. p. 144.

page 383 note 7 Ath. Mitt. xxix (1904) 52.

page 383 note 8 Arch. Jahrbuch vii. (1892) 72 ff. Mykenische Beiträge. I. Stierfang.

page 383 note 9 Ath. Mitt. xxix (1904), 55, where three fresh examples of bull-fights are given, from inscriptions of Larissa. All these refer to imperial times.

page 384 note 1 So Reisch, , Gr. Weihgeschenke, p. 61, n. 2.Google Scholar

page 384 note 2 Plut. Inst. Lac. 32 Στλεγγίσιν οὐ σιδηραῖς ἀλλἀ καλαμίναις ἐχρῶντο Cf. Preger's note l.c. 335.

page 385 note 1 In Polyb. xxv. 4, where Perseus gives golden στλεγγίδες to a Rhodian crew as gifts, there is the same uncertainty. Pollux vii. 179 gives both meanings.

page 385 note 2 With this custom may be compared the wearing of basket-crowns by the maiden worshippers of Artemis Coloene at Sardis. Strabo xiii. 626.

page 385 note 3 Wide, , Lak. Kulte, 349, 356.Google Scholar

page 386 note 1 The Greeks to-day have a pruning-knife very like these votive sickles, some of the latter even have a ‘shoulder’ on the reverse side, showing that they, like the modern tool, may have been two-edged. In Hesiod, , Shield l. 292Google Scholar, a δρεπάνη is used by vintagers.

page 386 note 2 This rests on the well-known gloss on Herodotus, quoted by all the editors. Παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐν τψ῀ πρώτψ ἐνιαυτῷ ὁ παῖς ῥωβίδας καλεῖται, τῷ δευτέρῳ προμικιζόμενος (MS. προκομιζόμενος), τῷ τρίτῳ μικιζόμενος, τῷ τετάρτῳ πρόπαις, τῷ πέμπτῳ παῖς, τῷ ἔκτῳ μελείρην (Λέξεις ῾Ηροδότου Ed. Stein, ii. 465.)

page 386 note 3 Hesych. βουαγόρ ἀγελάρχης ὁ τῆς ἀγέλης ἄρχων παῖς

page 386 note 4 Tod, , S.M.C., p. 20Google Scholar, who gives what seems the only reasonable explanation. The point is discussed in Boeckh, , C.I.G. i. p. 612.Google Scholar

page 387 note 1 So Preger, l.c. p. 338.

page 387 note 2 Tod, , S.M.C., p. 16Google Scholar and B.S.A. x. 63 ff.

page 387 note 3 S.M.C. 400 and 721.

page 387 note 4 In 41 the reading is too uncertain for any argument to be based on it.

page 387 note 5 This sense is clear in Le Bas-Foucart, 167.

page 387 note 6 C.I.G. i. p. 612. Boeckh gives four examples of συνέφηβος and in each case the name connected with it is an Eponymus. Cf. Tod, , S.M.C., p. 16.Google Scholar

page 388 note 1 Compare the end of the Herodotus gloss already quoted, ἐφηβεύει τε παρ᾿αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ ἐτῶν ιδ᾿ μέχρι καὶ κ´

page 388 note 2 It is clear from Boeckh's text (C.I.G. 1249 col. II. l. 7) that the third element in this word is a monogram of Σ and Ε. We need therefore have no hesitation in reading κάσεν Γά´,ϊος) ῾Ιού (λιος) Φίλιππος κτλ

page 389 note 1 Boeckh, l.c.; Tod, , S.M.C., p. 20.Google Scholar

page 389 note 2 This is Prof. Bosanquet's suggestion.

page 391 note 1 These figures strengthen the belief that Orthia was the usual name of the goddess, Artemis being part of her official title.

page 391 note 2 Cf. the archaic inscription published above (No. 1, p. 353).

page 392 note 1 The technical words peculiar to Sparta are naturally in a class by themselves, little affected by the dialect of the inscriptions where they happen to stand, and the same may be said of proper names, such as Pratolas, Sidectas, etc.

page 392 note 2 Cf. Meister, , Dorer u. Achäer. 38 ff.Google Scholar With his general theory, controverted by Niese, in Nachrichten der k. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, 1906, 137, 2Google Scholar, we are not here concerned.

page 393 note 1 Ahrens, op. cit. 66 ff.; Meister, op. cit. 26 ff., 33.

page 393 note 2 Meister, op. cit. 25. It might however be possible to account for the phenomenon otherwise.

page 393 note 3 Ib. 10–15; Ahrens, op. cit. 74.