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II.—Excavations at Sparta, 1906: § 5.—The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 October 2013

Extract

The traveller who approaches Sparta from the north and crosses the Eurotas by the new bridge (P. 12) sees before him a series of low rounded hills which extend across his path in the form of a crescent and hide from his view the modern town. Straight before him the ragged core of the Byzantine fortification wall rises on the crest of the hill, and a bridle-path which climbs the steep slope to the old North Gate of the Byzantine Acropolis (M. 13. 14) is still the shortest way from the bridge to the modern town. The carriage road bends to the left, and runs parallel with the Eurotas for over half a mile through low-lying meadows, then rises to cross the south-eastern horn of the crescent and forthwith turns inland. It is at this point, where the line of heights sinks towards the river and ends in a tongue-shaped precipitous promontory, that the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia has been found (O. 15). North and north-west of this rocky tongue the ground between high-road and river sinks towards a hollow which in luxuriant fertility surpasses even the water-meadows, with their deep crops of vetch and clover, that line the bank higher up. Olives give place to mulberry-trees, and we enter a garden full of cucumber- and melonbeds, oranges and young peach-trees.

Type
Laconia
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1906

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References

page 304 note 1 Strabo 363 : τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν ἐλίμναζε τὸ προάστειον καὶ ἐκάλουν αὐτὸ Λίμνας καὶ τὸ τοῦ Διονύσου ίερὸν ἐν Λίμναις ἐφ᾿ ὑγροῦ βεβηκὸς ἐτύγχανε, νῦν δ᾿ ξηροῦ τὴν ιδρυσιν ἔχει

page 305 note 1 Le Roy, , Les Ruines des plus beaux Monuments de la Grèce, ii. Pl. XIV and p. 33.Google Scholar ‘Le Dromos etait une espèce de stade où les jeunes Spartiates s'exerçoient à la course: il est extrêmement ruiné. On voit à l'un des côtés, qui regardait l'Eurotas, un grand nombre de piédestaux couverts d'inscriptions, qui nous instruisent particulièrement des noms de ceux qui avoient remporté les prix à ces jeux. Je ne donne pas ces inscriptions; elles ont été copiées par M. Fourmont … mais j'ai représenté dans la Vue du Dromos, Planche xiv, la forme d'un de ces piédestaux.’ In Fourmont's notes there is no trace of any such building or inscriptions; yet he must have mentioned them if they had been visible on the Acropolis. Nor is it likely that remains so extensive had been laid bare after his visit in 1738 and had vanished before Leake's in 1805. On the other hand Fourmont confined his attention almost entirely to the Roman fortress and did not explore the ground near the river. Le Roy did so with a view to his map, and cannot have overlooked the Artemisium site. The inscribed pedestals which he saw on the side towards the river recall the five moulded bases found on that side of the arena in 1906. I cannot account for the position given to the ‘Dromos’ on his map, but it is so inaccurate and so full of speculative identifications based on Pansanias, that its evidence is open to question.

page 305 note 2 Leake, , Travels in the Morea, i. p. 151.Google Scholar

page 306 note 1 Gell, , Narrative of a Journey in the Morea, p. 333.Google Scholar

page 306 note 2 Expéd. de la Morée, Architecture ii. Pls. 46 and 48, Figs. 1 and 2, p. 65; de Saint-Vincent, B., Relation, p. 420Google Scholar; Boblaye, , Recherches Géographiques, p. 80.Google Scholar Aldenhoven's Itinéraire de l'Attique et du Peloponnèse, a guide-book published at Athens in 1841, reproduced the French plan of Sparta with the explanatory text, p. 328.

page 306 note 3 Theocritus pictured the Dromos as lying among flowery meadows beside the Eurotas (xviii. 23 and 39). Cf. Chateaubriand, , Itinéraire de Paris à Jérusalem (nouvelle édition, Garnier), p. 103Google Scholar; Gell, , Itinerary of the Morea, p. 232Google Scholar; Pouqueville, , Voyage de la Grèce, v. p. 532.Google Scholar

page 307 note 1 In 1834 Ross and Jochmus were able to trace the line of the enceinte along the Eurotas. Ross told Welcker, (Tagebuch, ii. 113)Google Scholar that the supposed Amphitheatre or Odeum lay close to the city wall—as it does.

page 308 note 1 Geogr. v. Griechenland, ii. 126. For the date of his visit, see Arch. Anzeiger, xii. p. 477. He identifies Strabo's Διονύσου ίερὸν ὲν Λίμναις (see note on p. 304) with the Διονύσιονi on or near the hill Κολώνη mentioned by Polemon (ap. Athen. xiii. 574 d). On the other hand Tozer (Selections from Strabo, p. 212) thinks that Strabo referred to the Dionysion ἐν Λίμναις at Athens.

page 308 note 2 W. G. Clark describes the remains of a circus, and marks it on his plan (Pl. 4) at the southeast angle of the Acropolis. He mistook the area enclosed by the ‘Stoa’ and fortification walls for part of an elliptical circus (Peloponnesus, p. 163). So also Guide-Joanne, , Grèce (ed. 1891), ii. p. 252Google Scholar.

page 311 note 1 This type of theatre with radial supporting-walls and outer arcade is found as far east as Bostra (Durm, Baukunst der Etrusker u. Römer, Fig. 739) and as far west as Saguntum (De La Borde, , Voyage de l'Espagne, ii. Pl. 103Google Scholar). There were several such theatres in Crete, if we may trust Belli's drawings (Falkener, , Theatres … in Crete from a MS. History of Candia by Onorio Belli in 1586Google Scholar)—at Hierapetra, Chersonesus and Gortyna.

page 313 note 1 I have not taken account of a quantity of figurines and some vases found early in the excavation upon the level top of the Roman platform near the river-bank. The reports which I received suggest that they had been stored in a vault beneath the seats but above the platform, between the radial walls, and are therefore posterior to the building; but it is possible that they had been buried or walled up in the course of the construction.

page 314 note 1 Βωμονῖκαι C.I.G. 1364b; Le Bas-Foucart 175b; S.M.C. 252. Statues, Lucian, , Anacharsis 38.Google Scholar

page 314 note 2 Ross saw the inscription commemorating the virtues of Heracleia daughter of Tisamenus, which was originally set up in the Artemisium, extracted from a mediaeval building between new Sparta and the Theatre in 1841 (Reisen im Peloponnes, p. 21). Of the dedications by boy-victors known before our excavations, a and b (p. 355 below) were found at Magoula about 1868, c in the pavement of a church, d built into a house in the town in 1872, while j was copied as early as 1437 by Cyriac of Ancona.

page 314 note 3 Statius, , Theb. iv. 233Google Scholar of a boy who died at the altar, coronato contenta est funere mater; Themistius, , Orat. xxi. p. 250aGoogle Scholar, μαστίγων γὰρ τὸ ἀγώνισμα καὶ ὁ στέφανος

page 314 note 4 Aristotle, , Eth. Mag. ii. 6. 34Google Scholarἡ δὲ καρτερία περὶ λύπας ὁ φἀρ καρτερῶν καὶ ὑπομένων τὰς λύπας, υὖτος καρτερικός ἐστιν Cf. Eth. Nic. vii. 7. 4. Plato, , Leges i. 633bGoogle Scholar, describes the καρτερήσεις by which the system of Lycurgus developed the power of endurance. According to Athenaeus, 534 b, Alcibiades when at Sparta outdid the Spartans in their own virtues, καρτερία and ἀφέλεια

page 315 note 1 Philostratus, , Vita Apoll. vi. 20.Google ScholarCicero, , Tusc. ii. 14Google Scholar, Plut, . Lycurgus, 18Google Scholar, Lucian, , Anach. 38Google Scholar, and others say that deaths were not infrequent; but this was due to the pertinacity of the competitors. The point of μήτε ἀποθνησκειν is that even where no death occurred, the claims of the goddess were satisfied.

page 315 note 2 Philost. l.c. συνιᾶσιν ὤσπερ ἐς τὰ γακίνθια καὶ τὰς Γυμνοπαιδίας θεασόμενοι ξύν ἠδονῇ τε καὶ ὁρμῇ πάσῃ.. He names the two chief festivals of Sparta, celebrated respectively at Amyclae and in the Agora. Of the former Theodoret, , Therapeutica viii. p. 908Google Scholar, ἑορτὴν μεγίστην καὶ δημοθοινίαν of the latter Pausanias iii. 11. 7 ἑορτὴ δὲ εἴ τις ἄλλη καὶ αἱ γυμνοπαιδίαι διἀ σπουδῆς Λακεδαιμονίοις εἰσίν

page 315 note 3 Tertullian, , Ad martyras, 4.Google Scholar ‘Nam quae hodie apud Lacedaemonas solennitas maxima est, Διαμαστίγωσις. id est Flagellatio, non latet; in quo sacro ante aram nobiles quique adulescentes flagellis affliguntur astantibus parentibus et propinquis et uti perseverent adhortantibus.’ Cf. the peroration of his Apologia, 50, and Ad nationes i. 18, both written about the same time as Ad martyras, probably 197 A.D.

page 315 note 4 I must reserve for a future paper a discussion of the origin and development of the custom. See Frazer, , Pausanias iii. p. 341–4Google Scholar, Thomsen, Anton in Archiv für Religionswissenschaft ix. pp. 397416Google Scholar, and Nilsson, Martin, Griechische Feste, pp. 190196.Google Scholar The passages relating to it were collected by Trieber in a dissertation now out of print, Quaestiones Laconicae, Göttingen, 1866.

page 316 note 1 Lucian, , Anach. 38ad fin.Google Scholar

page 316 note 2 C.I.G. 1364 b.

page 316 note 3 Herodian, iv. 8. 3, describes how Caracalla formed a Macedonian phalanx on the ancient model, ἀπό τε Σπάρτης μεταπεμψἁμενος νεανίας Λακωνικὸν καὶ Πιτανάτην λόχον ἐκάλει Compare Wolters' discussion of inscriptions found at Sparta which mention the Persian, campaign, Athen. Mitt. xxviii, pp. 291 ff.Google Scholar He shows from a relief on a tombstone that their equipment, like that of the Macedonians, was on the ancient model.

page 316 note 4 C.I.G. i. 1495 and Wolters, p. 296.

page 317 note 1 Libanius, , Orat. i. 23 (p. 18 Reiske).Google Scholar The mysteries meant are those of Lerna—cf. Orat. xiv. 7 (p. 427 R.)—which then ranked almost with the Eleusinian.

page 317 note 2 Nazianzen, Gregory, Orat. iv. p. 109, and xxxix, p. 679Google Scholar; Themistius, , Orat. xxi. 250 A.Google Scholar