^{page 84 note 1} On the Bektashi, and their organisation, see B.S.A. xx. 94 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 85 note 1} See below, p. 87 f.

^{page 85 note 2} Cf. Evliya, , Travels, tr. von Hammer, , ii. 20 f.Google Scholar: ‘The seven hundred convents of dervishes, Begtáshí, which actually exist in Turkey, are derived from seven hundred dervishes of Hájí Begtash.’

^{page 86 note 1} The maps illustrating this paper were drawn by Mr. Hasluck for his own use only. They have not been re-drawn owing to difficulties due to present conditions.—(Editor.)

^{page 86 note 2} Evliya, says of the tomb (Travels, tr. von Hammer, , ii. 21)Google Scholar: ‘Hají Bektash died in Sultan Orkhn's reign, and was buried in his presence in the capital of Crimea, where a Ttár princess raised the monument over his tomb. This monument having fallen into decay Sheitán Murád, a Beg of Caesarea of Sultan Suleiman's time, restored and covered it with lead.’ The ‘capital of Crimea’ is obviously a mistake for Kirshehr, possibly owing to the proximity of the ‘Ttár princess.’ At the present day the cauldrons in the kitchen of the convent, which are among the sights of the place, are said to have been given by ‘the Tartar Khan,’ who is curiously identified with Orkhan, (Contemp. Review, Nov. 1913, 695).Google Scholar

^{page 87 note 1} The tekke of Hadji Bektash has been described by Lucas, P., Voyage en Grèce (Amsterdam, 1714), i. 124Google Scholar; Levidis, , Αἱ ἐν μονολίθοις μοναὶ τῆς Καππαδοκίας, 98Google Scholar; Cuinet, , Asie Mineure, i. 841Google Scholar; Naumann, , Vom Goldenen Horn zu den Quellen des Euphrat, 193 ff.Google Scholar; ProfWhite, in Contemp. Review, Nov. 1913, 693 ff.Google Scholar See also B.S.A., xx. 102.

^{page 87 note 2} From Cuinet, except the last figure, which he gives, no doubt correctly for his time, as 42.

^{page 87 note 3} I hear since writing this that the choice has fallen on one Mesoud.

^{page 88 note 1} Cuinet, , Asie Mineure, i. 342.Google Scholar The legend admitted by the celibate branch makes the woman the wife of a hodja and gives her name as Khatun Djikana. Another variant makes Hadji Bektash a nefess oglou or ‘son of the breath [sc. of God]’ (for which see George of Hungary's tract De Moribus Turcorum xv. ad fin.). Miraculous birth is alleged of many Turkish saints, especially by the ‘Kyzylbash’ Kurds of their Imam Bakir, who was conceived by an Armenian virgin, miraculously impregnated by the head of Hussein in the form of honey, and brought forth by a sneeze. (Geog. Journ. xliv. (1914), 64 f.) For other examples see Grenard, in Journ. Asiat. xv. (1900), 11Google Scholar, and Skene, , Anadol, 285.Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 2} Crowfoot, , J. R. Anthr. Inst. xxx. 308Google Scholar, 312 (Haidar-es-Sultan and Hassan-dede). This is the rule also at the tekke of Sidi Battal (Ouvré, , Un Mois en Phrygie, 94Google Scholar; Radet, , Arch. des Miss. vi. (1895), 445).Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 3} As such the Bektashi dervishes have a special veneration for Balum Sultan, a reforming saint who lived some two generations after Hadji Bektash and is buried at Pir-evi. Though Hadji Bektash is regarded by them as having lived unmarried, Balum Sultan is considered as the peculiar patron of the celibate branch.

^{page 89 note 1} Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. v. 95Google Scholar; Leunclavius, , Ann. Turc. s.a. 1526Google Scholar and Lib. Sing. § 222; de Mezeray, , Hist. des Turcs, i. 502.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 2} Four tribes are mentioned by name as having taken part in the rising, the Tchitchekli, Akdje Koyounlu, Massdlu, and Bozoklü: there is a Tchitchek Dagh north of the convent of Hadji Bektash, and Bozouk is the name of the district in which it stands, so that two at least of the tribes mentioned seem to be connected with the district.

^{page 89 note 3} Bull. Soc. Géog. xvii. (1869), 63.

^{page 89 note 4} Anderson, in J.H.S. 1899, 70.Google Scholar For Emrem Younouz (‘Younouz Imre’) see Gibb, (Ottoman Poetry, i. 164)Google Scholar, who places him in the early fourteenth century.

^{page 90 note 1} Travels, tr. von Hammer, , ii. 223.Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 2} Evliya, , Travels, ii. 228Google Scholar, cf. Khalfa, Hadji, Djihannuma, tr. Armain, , 703.Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 3} Perrot et Guillaume, , Expl. de la Galatie, i. 283.Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 4} Hamilton, , Asia Minor, i. 402 f.Google Scholar; Ross, H. J., Letters from the East, 348Google Scholar; Wilson, , in Murray's, Asia Minor, 36Google Scholar; Trans. Victoria Inst. xxxix. 159; cf. B.S.A. xx. 104. Perrot found two or three Bektashi dervishes there in 1861 Souvenirs d'un Voyage, 418).

^{page 90 note 5} A Khalveti Saint Akhi Mirim, who died at Akshehr in 1409–10 is mentioned by Jacob, (Beiträge, 80, n. 3)Google Scholar: his tomb may well have changed hands, like many others; affiliation to the newcomers' order being axiomatic.

^{page 90 note 6} Hadji Ouren in Armain's translation; Hakhi Ouran in Menassik-el-Hadj, 12; Akhi Evren in Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. i. 248Google Scholar (cf. Huart, , Konia, 112Google Scholar, where the tomb of Seid Mahmoud Kheïrani at Akshehr is described).

^{page 90 note 7} Travels, i₂. 206: ‘[Ahweran of Caesarea] was a great saint in the time of the Seljuk family. It is a famous story, that it having been hinted to the king that Ahibaba paid no duties, and the collectors having come to him in execution, they were all frightened away by a wild beast (Awren) starting from the middle of his shop, and which accompanied him to the king, who being equally frightened out of his wits, was very happy to allow him the permission asked, to bury the collectors killed. His tomb is a great establishment in the gardens of the town of Denizli … and all the Turkish tanners acknowledge this Ahúawren to be their patron.’ In the last variation of the name there seems to be a play on Ahoua, a fabulous beast like a syren (White, C., Constantinople, i. 174).Google Scholar

^{page 91 note 1} Ibn Batuta, tr. Lee 68 ff.; tr. Sanguinetti, ii. 260 ff.

^{page 91 note 2} Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. i. 214.Google Scholar On the ‘Brotherhood’ see Karabashek, in Zeitschr. f. Numismatik, 1877, 213 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 91 note 3} Akheian-i-Room (Brown, , Dervishes, 142)Google Scholar: the corresponding subdivisions were the Ghazis (warriors), Abdals (asketes), and Sisters of Roum. In Seaman's, Orchan, p. 108Google Scholar, Achi = frater is given as a grade in dervish communities.

^{page 91 note 4} Cholet, , Arménie, 48.Google Scholar

^{page 91 note 5} Jacob, , Bektaschije, 28Google Scholar, cf. Beiträge, 14, 85. See below (Cairo).

^{page 91 note 6} Von Luschan, , Reisen in Lykien, ii. 203.Google Scholar

^{page 92 note 1} Cf. above (Hadji Bektash).

^{page 92 note 2} Reisen in Lykien, ii. 204 n. I note also, still nearer Fineka, a village Haladj, the name of which suggests Bektashi associations. Mansour-el-Halladj is claimed by the Bektashi as the spiritual master of their great saint Fazil Yezdan (Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 229Google Scholar) and a forerunner of the sect.

^{page 92 note 3} B.S.A. xx. 82, n. 3.

^{page 92 note 4} Perhaps Kabagatch, near Serai Keui, where Kiepert's map marks a tekke.

^{page 92 note 5} Voyage fait en 1714, ii. 171 f.: ‘un couvent où l'on garde précieusement le corps d'un Mahometan nommé Jatagundie, qu'on dit avoir opéré de grands merveilles dans tout le Païs. La Mosquée où il repose est très-belle & bien entretenuë; il y a dedans 60 chandeliers d'argent massif de dix pieds de haut, & un fort grand nombre de lampes d'or & d'argent. Deux cent Dervis sont emploiez au service de cette Mosquée; ils ont une Bibliothèque très-bien fournie … comme cette Mosquée a de revenus immenses, il y a une fondation pour nourrir et loger tous les passans, & on y exerce l'hospitalité avec beaucoup de charité,’ cf. B.S.A. xx. 98.

^{page 93 note 1} See above, Elmali and below, Cairo.

^{page 93 note 2} Cf. Effendi, Assad, Destr. des Janissaires, 302Google Scholar; the expulsion of the Bektashi from Brusa in 1826 was witnessed by Laborde, (Asie Mineure, 24).Google Scholar

^{page 93 note 3} Evliya, , Travels, tr. von Hammer, , ii. 8Google Scholar, ii. 24.

^{page 93 note 4} In Seaman's, Orchan, 116.Google Scholar

^{page 93 note 5} Loc. cit.

^{page 93 note 6} Sestini, , Littere Odoporiche, i. 117Google Scholar; von Hammer, , Reise nach Brusa, 57Google Scholar; Cuinet, , Asie Mineure, iv. 129.Google Scholar

^{page 93 note 7} Kandis, , Προῦσα, 153.Google Scholar

^{page 93 note 8} Evliya, , Travels, ii. 21, 24.Google Scholar On Achmet Yassevi and his introduction into the Bektashi cycle see B.S.A. xx.

^{page 93 note 9} Cf. Seaman's Orchan, loc. cit.

^{page 94 note 1} Travels, ii. 27; cf. von Hammer, , Reise nach Brussa, 56.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 2} Destr. des Janissaires, 300.

^{page 94 note 3} Evliya, , Travels, ii. 8.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 4} Ibid. ii. 8.

^{page 94 note 5} Ibid. ii. 26. It should be noted that Hadji Bairam himself is claimed by the Bektashi at the present day.

^{page 94 note 6} See Browne, , J.R.A.S. 1907Google Scholar, where a Houroufi MS. is said to have been copied here in 1545–6; and cf. Menavino, , Libri Cinque delle Cose Turchesche (1548), 60.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 7} For details and bibliography of this tekke see B.S.A. xix. 184 ff. To bibliography add Wülzinger, C., Drei Bektaschiklöster Phrygiens, xx. 103 (Berlin, 1913).Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 8} Die Bektaschije, 28.

^{page 94 note 9} Jacob, , Bektaschije, 27.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 10} Ibid.

^{page 94 note 11} Ibid. The site may be looked for at Tekke Keui near Kebsud, near which is a village Beklashler.

^{page 95 note 1} MacFarlane, C., Turkey and her Destiny, i. 501.Google Scholar

^{page 95 note 2} Strictly speaking the town of the Dardanelles is not in the Brusa province but forms the capital of an independent sub-prefecture (sandjak).

^{page 95 note 3} From Mr. R. Grech of the Dardanelles.

^{page 95 note 4} Voyage de la Propontide, 14: ‘Derrière la ville s'étend une large plaine au milieu de laquelle on trouve un Teké ou couvent de Derviches, entouré de vignes et de jardins délicieux. Ces solitaires donnent au pays qui les avoisine l'exemple de l'hospitalité la plus affectueuse: ils offrent leurs plus beaux fruits et leurs cellules au voyageur fatigué et de la meilleur foi du monde lui font admirer un cerceuil de quarante pieds, qui contient les reliques du géant qui les a fondés.’

^{page 95 note 5} Travels, ii. 226.

^{page 95 note 6} Ibid. ii. 236.

^{page 95 note 7} Or Maksoum Pak (Pers. pâk = ‘pure’).

^{page 96 note 1} This is probably the pilgrimage of the ‘Kyzylbash’ Kurds at Sivas mentioned by Molyneux-Seel as the ‘tomb of Hassan.’ The confusion with the other pair of Holy Children, Hassan and Hussein, is readily comprehensible.

^{page 96 note 2} Perhaps from Anzaghar, marked south of Divrigi in R. Kiepert's map.

^{page 96 note 3} Travels, ii. 215, cf. Hadji Khalfa, tr. Armain, 681.

^{page 96 note 4} Ibid. ii. 96, cf. Jacob, , Bektaschije, 28.Google Scholar

^{page 96 note 5} Ibid. ii. 205.

^{page 96 note 6} Ibid. ii. 125.

^{page 97 note 1} A tekke is said to have existed there till 1826.

^{page 97 note 2} Davis, (Life in Asia Minor, 295)Google Scholar, speaks of the Valideh Tekke here as Bektashi: it is of course Mevlevi.

^{page 97 note 3} Cf. Niebuhr, , Reisebeschreibung, iii. 118.Google Scholar But I have heard of a learned Bektashi baba resident in this vilayet at Djebel-Bereket (Yarpout), which perhaps implies the existence of propaganda among the local Turcoman tribes.

^{page 97 note 4} Effendi, Assad, Destr. des Janissaires, 314, 317Google Scholar; cf. (for Caesarea) Skene, , Anadol, 159.Google Scholar

^{page 97 note 5} Assad Effendi, loc. cit.; Amasia had in 1826 the same reputation, but has now a Bektashi tekke, as has Teire (for which see Schlechta-Wsserd, , Denkschr. Uren Ak., P.-H. Cl. vii. (1857, i. 47).Google Scholar

^{page 97 note 6} Travels, ii. 60.

^{page 97 note 7} Taylor seems to have found a tekke at Arabkir in 1860 (J.R.G.S. 1868, 28, 312).

^{page 97 note 8} Niebuhr, , Voyage en Arabie, ii. 242, 244.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 1} Kaigousouz is said to be a word used by the Bektashi for pilaf.

^{page 98 note 2} See above, Elmali.

^{page 98 note 3} View of the Levant, 234.

^{page 98 note 4} 1863–79.

^{page 98 note 5} Cf. Baedeker, , Egypt, p. 53Google Scholar: ‘A handsomely gilt coffin here is said to contain the remains of a female relative of the Khedive’—evidently buried here as a benefactress of the tekke.

^{page 98 note 6} Murray's, Egypt (1900), 29.Google Scholar

^{page 99 note 1} Destruction des Janissaires, 300.

^{page 99 note 2} Description of the East, i₁. 29.

^{page 99 note 3} Modern Egypt, i. 287; cf. J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, 573, from which the tekke appears to have been Bektashi as late as 1808.

^{page 99 note 4} Similar lists are given by Tschudi, in Jacob, , Bektaschije 51 ff.Google Scholar and Depont, and Coppolani, , Confréries Musulmanes, 530–1.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 1} Brown, , Dervishes, 164Google Scholar; for Misri Effendi, a seventeenth-century poet and heresiarch with a leaning towards Bektashi doctrines, see Cantemir, , Hist. Ottomane, tr. Joncquières, , ii. 218, 228 ff.Google Scholar; Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. xi. 335Google Scholar; and Gibb, , Hist. of Ottoman Poetry, iii. 312.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 2} Rosen, , Geschichte der Türkei, i. 19.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 3} Effendi, Assad, Destr. des Janissaires, 326.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 4} The destruction of this tekke is mentioned by MacFarlane, C., Turkey and her Destiny, ii. 504.Google Scholar It is cited as belonging to the Melamiyoun by Brown, J. P. (Dervishes, 175).Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 5} Mentioned also by Evliya, , Travels, i ₂. 81Google Scholar; Hammer, , Constantinopolis, ii. 322.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 6} Probably the tekke containing the tomb of Achmet, Karadja (on whom see B.S.A. xx. 120 ff.)Google Scholar of which the türbe survives.

^{page 100 note 7} There were three Bektashi tekkes about 1850 (Brown, , Dervishes, 530 f.Google Scholar).

^{page 100 note 8} Evliya, , Travels, i ₂. 26, 70Google Scholar: ‘the Dervíshes Begtáshi superintend it [the pilgrimage] with their drums and lamps,’ cf. Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii. 85.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 9} Ibid. i₂. 88: ‘there is a convent of the Begtáshís; they hunt for the emperor harts, roes, and deer, of which they make hams.’

^{page 101 note 1} This district, now isolated, was probably connected with Adrianople by a chain of tekkes down to 1826. The maps mark many tekkes between the two points, most of which, I am informed, are now farms.

^{page 101 note 2} As in E. D. Clarke's time (Travels, iii. 86).

^{page 101 note 3} Cf. Saad-ed-din, in Seaman's, Orchan, 80.Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 4} Jacob, , Beiträge, 16Google Scholar; cf. Rycaut, , Present State of the Turkish Empire, 67.Google ScholarCovel, (Journal, 248)Google Scholar says there was formerly a Greek church of S. George at this point.

^{page 101 note 5} Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. i. 330Google Scholar (Turks from Menimen sent to Philippopolis district); cf. Baker, , Turkey in Europe, 382.Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 6} B.S.A. xix. 205, xx. 108.

^{page 101 note 7} B.S.A. xx. 108. This is the tekke which is said formerly to have contained an inscription in ‘Ancient Syrian’ letters ‘like nails,’ probably the inscribed pillar set up by Darius at the sources of the Tearus, (J. R. G. S. xxiv. (1854), 44Google Scholar; see Arch. Anz. 1915, 3 ff.). I believe this pillar may have been ‘adopted’ by the Bektashi, like the sacred stone at Tekke Keui (see Macedonia below), as an additional attraction to the tekke of Bounar Hissar. Its cuneiform writing was probably recognised as ‘Ancient Syrian’ by some dervish who had visited the Shia sanctuaries in Mesopotamia where cuneiform monuments are common.

^{page 102 note 1} Travels, 470.

^{page 102 note 2} This is too evidently an inference from his name (nefess = ‘Breath’ and metaph. ‘Spirit’).

^{page 102 note 3} A probable Bektashi tekke on the outskirts of Aenos may be recognised in the building called Tekkiesi, Younouz Baba (Δελτίον Χτ. Ἀρχαιολ. Ἐταιρείας. Η′. 28).Google Scholar

^{page 102 note 4} Spencer, Edmund, Travels in European Turkey, ii. 378 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 103 note 1} Above, p. 101.

^{page 103 note 2} See below, Thessaly.

^{page 103 note 3} Destruction des Janissaires, 314: special instructions regarding these tekkes are given in the text of the firman printed by the same author at pp. 325 ff.: ‘Vous vous rendrez d'abord à Adrianople; là, de concert avec Mohammed-Assad-Pacha, gouverneur de Tcharmen, vous expulserez des tékiés de Kizil-Deli-Sultan les bektachis qui s'y trouvent … Notre intention est de destiner au casernement des corps de soldats de Mahomet qui pourront par suite être formés dans ces contrées les bâtiments spacieux et commodes de quelques-uns de ces établissements, et de transformer les grand salles en mosquées.’ For Kyzyl Deli Sultan see also Brown, , The Dervishes, 325Google Scholar; Jacob, , Bektaschije, 28.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 1} The tekke seems to be mentioned by Quiclet, (Voyage, 149).Google Scholar An Albanian Bektashi informant assures me that no Bektashi establishment now exists here, but is contradicted by Midhat Bey Frasheri who, though not himself an adherent of the order, comes of a Bektashi family, and is now resident in Bulgaria.

^{page 104 note 2} From an Albanian dervish at Meltchan (Korytzà) who had resided at Strumidja.

^{page 104 note 3} Jireshek, , Fürstenthum Bulgarien, 411.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 4} Op. cit., iii. 298 ff. (p. 535 f. in the French translation).

^{page 104 note 5} Beiträge, 17.

^{page 104 note 6} Midhat Bey Frasheri.

^{page 104 note 7} The same dervish assured me that there was now no Bektashi tekke or community in Bulgaria.

^{page 105 note 1} Evliya, , Travels, tr. von Hammer, , ii. 72Google Scholar; cf. B.S.A. xix. 205 f.

^{page 105 note 2} Evliya, , Travels, ii. 72Google Scholar; Khalfa, Hadji, Rumeli, tr. von Hammer, , 27Google Scholar; Arch. Epig. Mitth., x. (1886), 188 f.; cf. B.S.A. xix. 205, xx. 108.

^{page 105 note 3} Kanitz, , Bulgarien, ii. 211Google Scholar (French trans. 474–7); Arch. Epig. Mitth. x. (1886), 182; B.S.A. xx. 109.

^{page 105 note 4} This tekke is mentioned by Brailsford, , Macedonia, 247.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 1} See B.S.A. xx. 110, 117; and for Ali, Sersem, Jacob, , Bektaschije, 28.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 2} J.H.S. xxi. 202.

^{page 106 note 3} B.S.A. xx. 110.

^{page 106 note 4} B.S.A. xx. 111.

^{page 107 note 1} On the Valakhádhes see Wace, and Thompson, , Nomads of the Balkans, 29 f.Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 2} He lived in the early part of the fourth century of the Hegira, and was martyred for his opinions at Bagdad. See Hastings' Dict. of Religion, s.v. Halladj.

^{page 107 note 3} From the abbot at Vodhorína.

^{page 108 note 1} He is evidently confused, perhaps wilfully, with Khirka Baba, an (apparently historical) orthodox sheikh of Monastir who ‘disappeared,’ leaving, like Emineh, his habit behind him. This habit, much venerated by pilgrims, is kept in the tower (Kula) occupied during his lifetime by the sheikh. Water in which it has been dipped is said either to kill or cure chronic invalids: it is said sometimes to be administered without the knowledge of the patient by his sympathetic (or impatient) relatives.

^{page 109 note 1} This village is, curiously enough, Sunni, while its neighbour, Ine Ova, is Bektashi.

^{page 110 note 1} ‘Five hundred years ago,’ the formula for the period of the Turkish conquest.

^{page 110 note 2} See B.S.A. xx. 98.

^{page 110 note 3} This is the typical development of a purely popular cult into a dervish establishment carried one step further than in the case of the tomb of Risk Baba at Candia (see below, Crete).

^{page 110 note 4} N. Greece, iii. 415.

^{page 110 note 5} See below.

^{page 110 note 6} See B.S.A. xx. 110.

^{page 111 note 1} See below, Appendix.

^{page 111 note 2} Cf. below, p. 116.

^{page 111 note 3} Mentioned by Leake, , N. Greece, i. 445.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 4} It may have passed from the Bektashi to the Mevlevi in 1826, cf. below, p. 112.

^{page 111 note 5} The tekke was the headquarters of the Turkish staff on May 9 (Bigham, , With the Turkish Army in Thessaly, 92Google Scholar).

^{page 111 note 6} Dodwell, , Views in Greece, II. vi.Google Scholar (cf. Tour, ii. 107); Urquhart, , Spirit of the East, i. 27Google Scholar; Lear, , Albania, 396Google Scholar; Chirol, , Twixt Greek and Turk, 116.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 1} B.S.A. xix. 216 ff.

^{page 112 note 2} B.S.A. xx. 113 ff.: see also below (Epirus).

^{page 112 note 3} N. Greece, iv. 284: ‘Tríkkala has lately been adorned by the Pasha with a new Tekiéh or college of Bektashlí dervíses on the site of a former one. He has not only removed several old buildings to give more space and air to his college, but has endowed it with property in khans, shops, and houses, and has added some fields on the banks of the Lethaeus. There are now about fifteen of these Mahometan monks in the house with a Sheikh or Chief, who is married to a Ioannite woman, and as well lodged and dressed as many a Pashá. Besides his own apartments, there are very comfortable lodgings for the dervises, and every convenience for the reception of strangers.’

^{page 112 note 4} N. Greece, iv. 413: ‘At Aidinlí Alý Pashá is now building a Tekiéh for his favourite Bektashlís.

^{page 112 note 5} Voyage de la Grèce, iii. 384: ‘… le bourg Turc d'Alicouli, dont le Téké, qui est le plus riche de la Thessalie, est un chef-lieu de l'ordre des Bektadgis.’ The sheikh, Achmet, was an acquaintance of Pouqueville's.

^{page 113 note 1} The tekke is described, with a photograph of the meidan, by Hall, in P. S. Bibl. Arch. 1913, 147 ff.Google Scholar and Pl. 39, and mentioned by Spratt, , Crete, i. 80.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 2} Of this I was assured there was documentary evidence by a learned Bektashi layman of Candia. The Turkish headquarters during the long siege of Candia were at Fortezza.

^{page 114 note 1} The sheikh formerly in charge was invited by Cretan Bektashi refugees in Benghazi to come and minister to them, but he died without founding a tekke there; this would have been difficult owing to the predominance of the Rufaï and Senonssi sects in that district.

^{page 114 note 2} See B.S.A. xx. 216 ff.

^{page 114 note 3} This is shewn in a drawing of the tomb in Walsh's Constantinople and the Seven Churches, and was mentioned to me as proof of Ali's connection with the sect by an elderly Epirote, who remembered seeing it. The headstone is now replaced by a wooden post.

^{page 114 note 4} See above, Thessaly.

^{page 114 note 5} This idea was put forward long ago on the evidence ot tradition, which is no safe guide, since a figure like Ali's bulks large in popular thought and is apt to absorb much that does not belong to it.

^{page 114 note 6} Above, Macedonia.

^{page 116 note 1} I can find in printed sources no mention of this order or sub-order. Their patron is said to be Hassan of Basra. They can, I think, hardly be identical with Rycaut's Hayetti (Present State, 61), a heretical sect with Christian leanings, the Khalveti being regarded as orthodox.

^{page 116 note 2} Aravantinos, (Χρονογραφία τῆς Ἠπείρου, (1857), ii. 18)Google Scholar notes, evidently with surprise, that in his day many of the inhabitants of Argyrokastro were openly Bektashi.

^{page 117 note 1} Leake, , N. Greece, i. 40.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 2} See above, Thessaly.

^{page 117 note 3} N. Greece, i. 31.

^{page 117 note 4} Above, p. 111.

^{page 118 note 1} The tekke is described by MissDurham, , Burden of the Balkans, 228.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 2} The son of a dervish sheikh at Kónitza (probably, therefore, a Bektashi), was martyred for Christianity at Vrachori in 1814 (‘St. John the Neomartyr of Kónitza,’ for whose life see Νέον Λειμωνάριον, 331).

^{page 118 note 3} Cf. Durham, op. cit. 217. Since the war many of the well-to-do Bektashi have fled to Yannina.

^{page 118 note 4} Below p. 119.

^{page 119 note 1} I was told at Metchan that all the three tekkes of Korytzà were contemporary; but at Kiatoroùm itself that the latter was only thirty-five years old: the latter date may refer to the buildings, which are certainly not older.

^{page 120 note 1} Essad is the great-grandson of the murderer of Mimi.

^{page 120 note 2} Degrand cites also a contemporary Ibrahim Bey of Kavaia as a member of the sect.

^{page 121 note 1} Berat, 11.

^{page 121 note 2} Ibid. 118.

^{page 121 note 3} For a Bektashi (?) cult on Mt. Tomor in this district see Baldacci, in Bull. R. Soc. Geagr. (Roma), 1915, 978.Google Scholar

^{page 121 note 4} Haute Albanie, 240.

^{page 121 note 5} Ibid. 194.

^{page 121 note 6} Ibid. 221 ff.: cf. Ippen, , Skutari, 71 ff.Google Scholar; Wiss. Mitth. aus Bosnien vii. 60.

^{page 122 note 1} So we find Kaplan at the end of the eighteenth century celebrated a victory over his rival by building a türbe to the Bektashi saint Hamza Baba (Ippen, op. cit. 71).

^{page 122 note 2} Degrand.

^{page 122 note 3} B.S.A. xix. 207, c1. xx. 106 ff.: I have heard, but not very definitely, of a hitherto un-recorded tomb of Sari Saltik at Khass, between Scutari and Djakova.

^{page 122 note 4} Ippen, , Skutari, 36.Google Scholar

^{page 122 note 5} Ibid. 73.

^{page 122 note 6} See Browne, E., Travels (1673), 34Google Scholar; Walker, M., Old Tracks, 289Google Scholar; Brown, J. P., The Dervishes, 88Google Scholar; Die österreichisch-ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild: Ungarn (III.), p. 96; Baedeker, Oesterreich-Ungarn, etc.

^{page 123 note 1} This is a translation of an article from the Volo periodical Προμηθεύς, 1893, No. 55, pp. 442 f., to which my attention was called by M. Pericles Apostolides of Volo. The periodical in question was edited, and seems to have been written also, by an Athonite monk, Zosimas.

^{page 123 note 2} On this point Mr. Apostolides has kindly supplied me with the following additional information: ‘I was told at the tekke of Rinì that an inscribed slab with Latin characters was preserved there: this may be the tomb of some Franciscan abbot. According to a chrysoboullon of the monastery of Makryniotissa the lands of this foundation, extended to the district of Seratzi Irini (Σερατζῆ ᾿Ιρινὺ) It is therefore most probable that this site was occupied and the monastery built by Franciscans in the Frankish period.’ The existence of a Franciscan monastery in seventeenth-century Thessaly seems to me highly improbable. Confusion has probably arisen from the inscription in letters really or supposedly ‘Frankish.’

^{page 123 note 3} In Προμηθεὺς 1891 (p. 268), the same author writes: ‘There is a local tradition that the dervishes preserve to the present day a picture of S. Demetrius and burn lamps before it. I questioned the dervishes on this subject, but was not allowed to see the picture.’

^{page 123 note 4} The ‘great tekke at Konia’ can hardly be other than that of the Mevlevi dervishes, who wear a headdress called Koulah (‘tower’).

^{page 123 note 5} Apparently the Volo newspaper (1882–4) of that name, but I have searched it in vain to find this reference.

^{page 124 note 1} I.e. of Thessaly with Greece, 1882.

^{page 124 note 2} This is an absurd exaggeration: the chief defences are two sheep-dogs.

^{page 124 note 3} This is the distinguishing mark of celibate dervishes of the Bektashi order.

^{page 124 note 4} This is evidently the Teslim Task (‘Stone of Resignation’) of the Bektashi, which has, however, generally a twelve-pointed form.