^{page 94 note 1} Of the latter phenomenon the typical case is that of the ‘reception’ of Asklepios by Amunos at Athens, (Ath. Mitth. xxi. 307 ff.Google Scholar; Kutsch, , Attische Heilgötter und Heroen, 12 ff ).Google Scholar

^{page 95 note 1} This, the ordinary name for lay adherents of a dervish order, is variously explained as ‘Friends of the Family of the Prophet' or ‘Friends of the Order.’

^{page 96 note 1} Macfarlane, , Turkey and its Destiny, i. 496 f.Google Scholar: the same person, evidently, is mentioned in Blunt's, LadyPeople of Turkey, ii. 278.Google Scholar

^{page 96 note 2} Les Confréries Musulmanes, 17. Mgr. Petit's information on the Bektashi has a special value as coming from the learned Samy Bey Frasheri, an Albanian from a Bektashi district.

^{page 97 note 1} Browne, in J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, 535 ff.Google Scholar; G. Jacob, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dervischordens der Bektaschi; cf. Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 228 ff.Google Scholar for current legends on the subject of the encroachment of the Houroufi on the convent of Hadji Bektash. The Bektashi deny that the Houroufi doctrines are an essential part of their system, but admit that many Houroufi disguised themselves as Bektashi and Mevlevi at the time of their persecution under Timour.

^{page 97 note 2} Byzantios, Scarlatos (Κωνσταντινούπολις, iii. 496)Google Scholar says that one-fifth of the Turkish population of Constantinople was supposed in his time to be Bektashi. For the influence of the sect in western Asia Minor about the same time see MacFarlane, , Turkey and its Destiny, i. 497 ff.Google Scholar The Bektashi seem to attribute the expansion to the tolerance shewn them by Sultan Abdul Medjid (1839–61).

^{page 97 note 3} For Bektashism in Albania see Leake, , N. Greece, iv. 284Google Scholar; Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 230Google Scholar; Durham, , Burden of the Balkans, 208Google Scholar; Brailsford, , Macedonia, 243 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 97 note 4} (Blunt, ) People of Turkey, ii. 277Google Scholar, confirmed to me in Epirus. The whole number of Bektashis is assessed by themselves at 3,000,000.

^{page 97 note 5} ProfWhite, in Contemporary Review, Nov. 1913, 694Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 1} So in ancient Athens the newcomer Asklepios is foisted on the indigenous Amunos on the assumption that both were pupils of Chiron. In the case of Turkish tribal sanctuaries the propagation of such myths would be particularly easy: the tribes dimly remembered their immigration, as squatters and raiders, from the east, while the fictitious cycle of Bektashi tradition represented Hadji Bektash and his companions as immigrant missionaries from the same quarter.

^{page 98 note 2} J. R. Anthr. Inst. xxx. (1900) 305 ff.

^{page 98 note 3} A Tribe of Dersimli (‘Kyzylbash’) Kurds is called Haiderli, (Geog. Journ. xliv. (1914) 68)Google Scholar. The name Haidar (‘lion’) has a special vogue among Shias, the ‘lion of God’ being a title of Ali.

^{page 98 note 4} On Haidar-es-Sultan see note below, p. 120.

^{page 98 note 5} So Arundell, , Asia Minor, ii. 50.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 6} Voyage dans la Turquie fait en 1714, ii. 171.

^{page 98 note 7} Περὶ Γιουροὺκων 15.

^{page 99 note 1} Since writing the above I have ascertained that the tekke of Yatagan was one of the Bektashi convents ruined in 1826; it is now insignificant, though the tomb of Yatagan Baba survives.

^{page 99 note 2} I have often found a mesdjid or oratory in a Bektashi tekke, but never a mosque with proper establishment. Mesdjids are built for the appearance of orthodoxy and for the accommodation of orthodox visitors.

^{page 99 note 3} This saint was identified by the Nakshbendi with a certain Mollah Ainy. The Bektashi seem to have associated the tekke with Kaigousouz Sultan, buried in the present Bektashi tekke on the Mokattam (see Browne, in J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, 573Google Scholar). The tekke of Kasr-el-Ain is said by Wilkinson to have been originally Bektashi, (Modern Egypt, i. 287).Google Scholar Pococke mentions it (Descr. of the East, i. 29) but without stating to which order it belonged in his time. It was transferred by Ibrahim Pasha to the Kadri (Wilkinson, loc. cit.) and is now said to be in the hands of the Rufai.

^{page 99 note 4} Effendi, Assad, Destruction des Janissaires (1833), 300Google Scholar. The Albanian Bektashi seem to lay claim to such saints as Shems Tabrizi, Nasr-ed-din Khodja of Akshehr, and Hadji Bairam (founder of the Bairami order) of Angora (Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 230Google Scholar).

^{page 100 note 1} Die Bektaschijje in ihren Verkältniss zu verwandten Erscheinungen in Abh. d. Philos.-Philol. Klasse d. k. Bayr. Ak. d. Wiss. xxiv. (1909), iii. Abth. 29 ff.

^{page 100 note 2} Ducas, 112 B; Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. ii. 181 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 3} The text is given by Ducas. The leader of the rebels sent to the Cretan saying: ῾κἀγὼ συνασκητὴς σοὺ εἰμι, καὶ τφ̑ θεφ̑ φ̑ λατρεὺεις κἀγὼ τὴν προσκὺνησιν φὲρω.᾿ With this compare the conduct of the Houroufi dervish, met in Chios about the same time by George of Hungary, who ‘intrabat ecclesiam Christianam et signabat se signo crucis et aspergebat se aqua benedicta et dicebat manifeste uestra lex est ita boaa sicut nostra est’ (De Ritu Turcorum, cap. xx.).

^{page 100 note 4} The enormous potency of graves and buried saints in popular religion is pointed out in regard to the Holy Places of Islam by Burckhardt. Though the visit to the Prophet's tomb at Medina is optional and the pilgrimage to the Kaaba at Mecca obligatory, the tomb of the Prophet inspires the people of Medina with much more respect than the Kaaba does those at Mecca, visitors crowd with more zeal and eagerness to the former shrine than the latter, and more decorum is observed in its precincts. At Mecca itself men will swear lightly by the Kaaba, but not by the grave of Taleb, Abou (Arabia, i. 235, ii. 195, 197).Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 1} B.S.A. xix. 191 ff.

^{page 101 note 2} In this assimilation language is an important factor. The phenomena here mentioned occur markedly in Central Asia Minor where all races speak Turkish, and in Albania where all religions speak Albanian.

^{page 101 note 3} The Persian Shah Abbas held firmly that Ali, S. George, and S. James of Compostella were identical (della Valle, P., Viaggio, ii. 257 f.).Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 4} White, , Trans. Vict. Inst. xxxix. (1907) 156Google Scholar; cf. Jerphanion, in Byz. Zeit. xx. 493Google Scholar. The same is true of the Nosairi (Dussaud, R., Religion des Nosairis, 128–135Google Scholar).

^{page 101 note 5} Grenard, , Journ. Soc. Asiat, iii. (1904) 518.Google Scholar

^{page 102 note 1} Seel, Molyneux, Geog. Journ. xliv. (1914) 66.Google Scholar The Armenians are said to confuse SS. Sergius and George (della Valle, P., Viaggio, ii. 253Google Scholar).

^{page 102 note 2} Anderson, , Studia Pontica, i. 9 ff.Google Scholar; cf. iii. 207 ff. See further Grégoire, , Byz. Zeit. xix. 59–61Google Scholar; Jerphanion, ibid. xx. 492.

^{page 102 note 3} Molyneux Seel, loc. cit.

^{page 102 note 4} Levides, , Αἱ ἐν μονολίθοισ μοναὶ τῆς Καππαδοκίας, 98.Google Scholar

^{page 102 note 5} Cuinet, , Asie Mineure, i. 841Google Scholar, confirmed to me by Mr. Sirinides of Talas, who has visited the tekke. The personalities of Hadji Bektash and S. Charalambos are so far fused in the popular mind that a well-known story of Hadji Bektash, which tells how he outdid Achmet Rufai, who rode on a lion, by riding on a wall (Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 229Google Scholar) was told to Mr. Dawkins by Anatolian Greeks of S. Charalambos and Mahomet!

^{page 102 note 6} See, e.g., Polites, , Δελτίον τῆα Ἱστ. Ἑταιρείας, i. 22Google Scholar, and the same author's Παραδόσεις, No. 908; Hamilton, M., Greek Saints, 71.Google Scholar

^{page 102 note 7} It has however taken firm hold, and appears to be believed in Macedonia.

^{page 103 note 1} Περιγραφὴ της ᾿Αρχισατραπὶας ᾿Ικονὶου 11: ῾Χατζη̑ Πεκτὰς , ὃπου τεκὲς η̆τοι μοναστὴριον πεκτὰσιδων δερΒὶσιδων, παρωνομασμὲνον ἀπὸ ᾿`Αγιον Εὺστὰθιον, Χ. Πεκτὰς λεγὸμενον πας ᾿ αὺτω̑ν τὸν δποι̑ον θὲλουσιν ἀρχηγὸν του̑ τὰγματος αὐτω̑ν The author of this rare work, of which I was fortunate enough to find a copy in the Greek Archaeological Society's Library, was archbishop of Iconium and later (1815–1818) Patriarch of Constantinople (Cyril VI.).

^{page 103 note 2} Sept. 20.

^{page 103 note 3} Churches are, however, dedicated to him by the Orthodox, e.g., at Konia (Ramsay, , Cities of S. Paul, 377).Google Scholar

^{page 103 note 4} Carnoy, and Nicolaïdes, , Traditions populaires de Constantinople, 10.Google Scholar

^{page 103 note 5} See above p. 98, and the note at the end of this article.

^{page 103 note 6} Crowfoot, in J. R. Anthr. Inst. xxx. (1900) 305–320.Google Scholar

^{page 103 note 7} On this point see further White, in Trans. Victoria Inst. xl. (1908), 231.Google Scholar The Kyzylbash of Asia Minor are regarded by the Bektashi proper as an inferior branch of their order and called contemptuously Soufi. Their spiritual rulers receive authority not from the Abbot (Akhi Dede) of the central Bektashi tekke but from the Tchelebi, a mysterious personage who lives outside the tekke and claims to be an actual descendant of Hadji Bektash, and consequently the legitimate head of the order.

^{page 103 note 8} Here also there must for chronological reasons have been a usurpation by the Bektashi if the traditional account of the discovery of Sidi Battal's remains by a Seljouk princess is allowed. A legend is told at the tekke of a visit of Hadji Bektash to the place, and, to confirm it, marks of his hands and teeth are shewn on the walls of the buildings (Mordtmann, , Φιλολ Σύλλογος Κων'πόλєως, Παράρτημα τοῦ θ′ τόμου, xv.Google Scholar). Other Bektashi legends connecting the convent with Hadji Bektash or his early followers are given by Jacob, (Beiträge, 13)Google Scholar from Evliya.

^{page 103 note 9} B.S.A. xix. 186.

^{page 104 note 1} Hamilton, , Asia Minor, i. 402 f.Google Scholar; Ross, H. J., Letters from the East, 343Google Scholar; Wilson in Murray's, Asia Minor, 36Google Scholar. The tekke is also mentioned as a place of miraculous healing by ProfWhite, , Trans. Vict. Inst. xxxix. 159.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 2} For the latter see B.S.A. xix. 188.

^{page 104 note 3} Ainsworth, , Travels, i. 157.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 4} Ethé, , Fahrten des Sayyid Batthâl, ii. 27.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 5} Ibid. 21; Shamas is the Arabic for deacon.

^{page 104 note 6} B.S.A. xix. 195.

^{page 104 note 7} B.C.H. 1909, 25 ff.; cf. Studia Pontica, iii. 243 and Jerphanion, in Mél. Fac. Orient. (Beyrout), 1911, xxxviii.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 8} Febvre, M., Théâtre de la Turquie, (1682) 40.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 9} Voyage (Paris, 1628), 23. For a similar legendary conversion, but to Christianity, of an ambiguous saint, cf. B.S.A. xix. 195.

^{page 105 note 1} Above, pp. 81 ff.

^{page 105 note 2} Cf. No. 12 below (Baba Eski).

^{page 105 note 3} Makris, P., Ἡρακλεία τοῦ Πόντον (Athens, 1908), 115 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 4} For the legend of S. Theodore see Delehaye, Saints Militaires, ch. ii.

^{page 105 note 5} Makris describes them as ῾δὺο ξὺλινα κιΒὼτια ἃπερ εἰ̑νε φὲρετρα, ᾿ adding ‘῾πρὸς τὸ μὲρος τη̑ς κεφαλη̑ς φὲρουσι κιδἀρεις [turbans] καὶ μὲγα κομΒολὸγιον [rosary].’

^{page 105 note 6} ‘Varro’ (Οὐάρρων) does not figure in the orthodox legend of S. Theodore: Makris speaks of an ancient inscription formerly kept at the site; it possibly contained the name.

^{page 105 note 7} A similar mixed cult of S. Theodore and ‘un santon dit “Gaghni”’ in Pontus was reported by Père Girard to Cumont, but without details (Stud. Pont. ii. 143 note 3).

^{page 105 note 8} Diest, Von, Pergamon zum Pontus, 81Google Scholar. Betesh or Petesh seems to be the original form of Bektash. In George of Hungary's De Turcorum Moribus (cap. xv.), written in the middle of the fifteenth century, the saint is called Hartschi Petesch (translated adiutorius peregrinationis). The form Bektash seems to depend on a false etymology from geubek (‘navel’) and tash (‘stone’) as Leake betrays:— ‘The Bektashli are so called from a Cappadocian sheikh who wore a stone upon his navel’ (N. Greece, iv. 284).

^{page 105 note 9} It is not mentioned in the Cyril's, ArchbishopΠєριγραπὴ τῆς ἀρχισατραπίας Ἰκονίου (1815)Google Scholar or indicated in his map, 1812, which generally marks even purely Moslem tekkes of importance.

^{page 105 note 10} So Nicolaïdes; but from Rott's account it would appear that the tekke is one of a series of rock-cut churches, many of which are still used as barns.

^{page 106 note 1} For the procedure see the tale of the ‘Priest and the Turkish Witch’ in Polites' Παραδὸσεις No. 839.

^{page 106 note 2} Mamasoun would be near enough to the Turkish genitive from Mamas. The saint, however, was born at Gangra in Paphlagonia and suffered at Caesarea. The name of the village is probably a corruption of the ancient Momoassos (Ramsay, , Hist. Geog. 285Google Scholar).

^{page 106 note 3} For the tradition of the haunted building and the origin of the cult see Carnoy, and Nicolaïdes, , Traditions de l'Asie Mineure, 193Google Scholar; for the church-mosque, Levides, , Αἱ ἐνμονολίθοις μοναί, 130 f.Google Scholar; Pharasopoulos, , Τὰ Σύλατα, 74 fGoogle Scholar. I am indebted to Mr. Sirinides of Talas for first-hand infirmation not contained in these authors. The church-mosque is mentioned as a place of pilgrimage of Greeks, Armenians, and Turks by Rott, H., Kleinas. Denkmäler, 263.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 4} Khizr has also an importance, at present ill-defined, for Albanian Bektashism (Durham, , Burden of the Balkans, 208Google Scholar).

^{page 106 note 5} B.S.A. xix. 203 ff.

^{page 107 note 1} This idea, put forward tentatively in B.S.A. xix., gains weight from the following considerations: (1) Colour-adjectives (‘black,’ ‘white,’ ‘red,’ ‘blue’) like Sari (‘yellow’) are often prefixed to tribal names, possibly alluding to the distinctive colouring or marking of the herds of sections of a divided tribe. (2) A town in the Crimea named Baba Saltouk after ‘a diviner’ (i.e., a tribal holy man ?) is mentioned by Ibn Batuta (tr. Sanguinetti, ii. 416, 445), and Baba Dagh, the starting-point of the Sari Saltik of Bektashi tradition, was colonised by Tartars, probably from the Crimea. (3) Saltaklu appears as a village-name near Eski Baba in Thrace, and Saltik in Phrygia near Sandykli. (4) It is obvious that Saltik, like Betesh (above, p. 105, note 8), means nothing to the ordinary Turk, by the frequent attempts to produce an etymology for it. Sari Saltik is variously rendered ‘The Blond Apostle’ (Ippen, , Skutari, 72Google Scholar); ‘the Yellow Corpse’ (λєίψανον), which was the explanation offered me by the Abbot of S. Naoum (see below No. 19); ‘Yellow Pate’ (Bodleian, Cod. Rawlinson, C. 799. f. 50Google Scholarvso); ‘Yellow Jacket’ was the translation offered me by a bey of Ochrida; a still more complicated derivation, from salmak (‘dismiss’), is given from a native source by Degrand, (Haute Albanie, 240).Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 2} This version is set down by the seventeenth-century traveller Evliya Effendi on the authority of the dervishes of Kilgra, (Travels, tr. von Hammer, , ii. 70–72).Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 3} Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 240Google Scholar: the MS. is said by Jacobs to be the Vilayetname of Sultan, Hadjim (Beiträge, 2 n. 4).Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 4} For cults of ‘the Forty’ see B.S.A. xix. 221 ff.; the Bektashi may have been aiming at the ‘Forty’ cult of Kirk Kilisse, discussed on p. 224, or even SS. Quaranta in Albania, where there is said to be a ruined monastery containing forty underground chambers, one for each saint. Ali Pasha of Yannina, whose connection with the Bektashi and the Sari Saltik legend is discussed below, restored the adjacent fortress (Παρνασσός, ii. 462, cf. Leake, , N. Greece, i. 11.Google Scholar). But a Bektashi tekke has never existed there. On the other hand the sect lays claim to a ‘Forty’ cult in Larissa.

^{page 108 note 1} Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 207.Google Scholar

^{page 108 note 2} B.S.A. xix. 205.

^{page 108 note 3} Arch. Epig. Mitth. x. (1886) 188 f.: ‘Am aüssersten Ende gibt es neben dem Leuchtthurm vier kleinere, künstlich ausgeglättete und mit gemeisselten Sitzen versehene Höhlenkäume, die wie Wohnzimmer untereinander verbunden sind. Eine mit einen niederen Umfassung zugemauerte Ecke darin gilt den Christen als Grab des heil. Nikola, den Türken als das des “Hadji Baba.”‘

^{page 108 note 4} B.S.A. xix. 205.

^{page 108 note 5} Christodoulos, M., Περιγραφὴ Σαράντα Ἐκκλησιῶν, 47Google Scholar: Τὸ ἀρχαι̑ον ὂνομα ἀντικατὲστη διὰ ἐν Ψ̒̑ καὶ κατ ψ`κει I was told in 1909 that Christians still frequented the tekke.

^{page 108 note 6} Gerlach, S., Tagebuch, 571Google Scholar: ‘Diese Waffen, sprechen die Türcken, habe St. Niclaus gefuhret: Die Griechen aber sprechen, die Türcken habens nur hinein gehanget.’

^{page 108 note 7} Military Tour, i. 73.

^{page 109 note 1} Itinéraires dans la Turquie d'Europe, i. 132:— ‘On n'y voit plus qu'un pays couvert de broussailles, au milieu duquel il y a une petite mosquée et vis-à-vis un bâtiment carré entouré d'une muraille. La mosquée n'est que le monument qui recèle les restes du général Achmed, le conquérant de ce pays, et ceux de quelques uns de ses parents. Une natte entoure le tombeau afin qu'on puisse y prier. Un cimetière est autour de cet édifice, qui est un lieu de pèlerinage et le bâtiment carré sert à héberger alors les dévots.’ The tekke was probably one of those put down in 1826, and is now a chiftlik or farm.

^{page 109 note 2} J.R.G.S. xxiv. (1854) 44.

^{page 109 note 3} Especially Nos. 17, 18, below.

^{page 109 note 4} This I have since ascertained to be the case.

^{page 109 note 5} He was possibly tribal: a village named Akyazyly formerly existed in Bulgaria, (Arch. Epig. Mitth. x. (1886), 161)Google Scholar, and there is a village Akyazi in Bithynia.

^{page 109 note 6} Kanitz, , Bulgarie, 473 ff.Google Scholar; Jireshek, , Bulgarien, 533Google Scholar; cf. Arch. Epig. Mitth. x. (1886) 182; Nikolaou, J., Ὀδησσός (Varna, 1894), 248–250Google Scholar. I was told by a local resident that during the last war the crescent on the turbe had been displaced in favour of a cross by the Bulgarian priest of the village. I hope in another place to discuss in detail the development of this cult.

^{page 109 note 7} Below, Nos. 19, 20.

^{page 109 note 8} Empire Ottoman, tr. Joncquières, , i. 121.Google Scholar Turks or Greeks will of course frequent any miraculous shrine for cure irrespective of religion; the renaming stamps this case as peculiar. Von Hammer, (Hist. Emp. Ott. iii. 14)Google Scholar translates Cadid by momie, but I can find no authority for this.

^{page 109 note 9} S. Xene figures in the Synaxaria of Jan. 24. Her relics at Selymbria are mentioned already in 1614 by della Valle, Pietro (Viaggio, i. 47)Google Scholar and in modern times are one of the attractions of a frequented Orthodox pilgrimage, cf. Θρᾳκικὴ Ἐπєτηρίς, i. 68; Εενοφὰνης ii. 256, 322. A distaff and other belongings of the saint are also shewn; such relics are comparatively rare in Orthodoxy, exceedingly common in popular Islam.

^{page 110 note 1} For the conversion of Albania see Arnold, T., The Preaching of Islam, 152 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 110 note 2} Manzour, Ibrahim, Mémoires sur l'Albanie, xviiGoogle Scholar. A false prophet, claiming to be an incarnation of Ali, appeared in Albania in 1607 (Ambassade de J. de Gontaut-Biron, Paris, 1889, 138).

^{page 110 note 3} South of the station Aivali, between Velestino and Pharsala.

^{page 110 note 4} F. W. H.

^{page 110 note 5} F. W. H.

^{page 110 note 6} J.H.S. xxi. 202; cf. Archaeologia, xlix. 110.

^{page 111 note 1} Karadja Achmet is a regular Bektashi ‘intrusion’ figure of the same type as Sari Saltik: see below p. 121.

^{page 111 note 2} From a local Mahommedan informant (1914).

^{page 111 note 3} According to one Bektashi tradition, Sari Saltik settled at the monastery, converted, and eventually succeeded, the Christian abbot. This is a mild edition of the earlier episode at Dantzig, (B.S.A. xix. 204).Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 4} Constantinople, ii. 376; cf. Spencer, E., Travels in Turkey, ii. 76.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 5} Drin und Wardar, 108 f.

^{page 111 note 6} The incident occurs in the ‘first edition’ of the Sari Saltik legend, where the saint and his companions cross in this way to Europe, and in a version of the Croia-Corfou cycle told me by the Sheikh at the tekke of Turbe Ali; in this latter story the dervish's habit (ῥὰσο = khirka) was the vehicle. For the theme in Christian and other hagiologies see Saintyves, , Saints Successeurs des Dieux, 254.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 7} Miss Durham heard this at Croia, (Burden of the Balkans, 304)Google Scholar, I from a southern Albanian Bektashi at Uskub, from the Sheikh of the tekke at Reni, and from the abbot of S. Naoum.

^{page 111 note 8} B.S.A. xix. 207, where it is wrongly explained.

^{page 111 note 9} I am told by an English Corfiote of the older generation, Mr. Weale, that in his childhood many Albanian Moslems visited the cathedral at S. Spyridon's two festivals, and paid their respects to the saint's remains: they often brought with them offerings of candles and even of livestock. [This has been abundantly confirmed by enquiries at Corfou.]

^{page 112 note 1} B.S.A. xix. 204.

^{page 112 note 2} Cf. Nos. 14, 18 above.

^{page 113 note 1} Brailsford, , Macedonia, 233, 244Google Scholar. This I have found generally admitted by South Albanian Bektashi, some of whom also connect Omer Vrioni of Berat and Mahmoud Bey of Aulona, both contemporaries of Ali, with the movement.

^{page 113 note 2} Durham, , Burden of the Balkans, 239.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 1} Manzour, Ibrahim, Mém. sur la Grèce et l'Albanie, 271Google Scholar (the author was a French renegade who spent some years (1816–19) at Ali's court): a similar story was told to Miss Durham at Tepelen.

^{page 114 note 2} Zotos, , Λεξικὸν τῶν Ἁγίων, s.v. Κοσμᾶς, 621Google Scholar; cf. Sathas, , Νεοελλ. Φιλολογία, 491.Google Scholar It should be noted that a very similar prophecy is attributed by the Bektashi to three of their own saints, Sheikh Mimi, Sheikh Ali, and Nasibi.

^{page 114 note 3} Travels, i. 124.

^{page 114 note 4} See below. Aravantinos, (Iστορíα Ἀλῆ Πασσᾶ, 417)Google Scholar says that Ali boasted that he was a Bektashi. The headstone of the tomb of Ali at Yannina was formerly marked by the twelve-sided headdress (taj) of the order, as is shewn in a drawing in Walsh's Constantinople and the Seven Churches. The headstone has been removed within living memory.

^{page 114 note 5} Leake, N. Greece, iv. 285Google Scholar:— ‘There is no place in Greece where in consequence of this encouragement these wandering or mendicant Musulman monks are so numerous as at Yannina.’ Ibrahim Manzour says the same of his own time.

^{page 114 note 6} Mémoires, 211.

^{page 114 note 7} Ibid. 291.

^{page 115 note 1} Of the others I was only able to trace Sheikh Broussalou, whose tomb is still to be seen in Preveza; he is regarded as an orthodox saint.

^{page 115 note 2} Manzour, Ibrahim, Mémoires, xix.Google Scholar: one of Ali'ssons, Mouktar Pasha, openly avowed himself Shia; Selim, another son by a slave wife, is said to have become a dervish sheikh (North, , Essay on Ancient and Modern Greeks, 191Google Scholar).

^{page 115 note 3} The distinctions between the Bektashi and other orders are not rigid. I have heard of two recent cases of the conversion of sheikhs of other orders to Bektashism.

^{page 115 note 4} Leake, , N. Greece, iv. 285Google Scholar: ‘Although no practical encourager of liberty and equality he finds the religious doctrines of the Bektashli exactly suited to him’ … ‘Aly takes from every body and gives only to the dervises, whom he undoubtedly finds politically useful,’ cf. ibid. i. 407.

^{page 115 note 5} Ibid.

^{page 115 note 6} Zotos, loc. cit.

^{page 115 note 7} Beauchamp, , Vie d'Ali Pacha, 181.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 8} Juchereau, , Empire Ottoman, iii. 65.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 9} Miller, , Ottoman Empire, 64Google Scholar; but the statement needs modification; cf. Holland, , Travels, i. 412Google Scholar; Leake, , N. Greece, i. 152.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 1} Beauchamp, loc. cit.

^{page 116 note 2} N. Greece, iv. 284, 413; cf. Pouqueville, , Voyage de la Grèce, iii. 384.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 3} Degrand, , Haute Albanie, 209Google Scholar, cf. 240.

^{page 116 note 4} Ippen, , Skutari, 36.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 5} This is admitted both by Christians and Bektashi.

^{page 116 note 6} Das Sanschak Berat, 53.

^{page 116 note 7} Ath. Mitth., 1902, 440.

^{page 116 note 8} N. Greece, iv. 149.

^{page 117 note 1} Drin und Wardar, 108.

^{page 117 note 2} Constantinople, ii. 376 (quoted above).

^{page 117 note 3} Beauchamp, , Vie d'Ali Pacha, 163, 194Google Scholar; Holland, , Travels, i. 405, 450, etc.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 4} Leake, , N. Greece, iii. 13.Google Scholar In Leake's time the fort, still called Tekke, on the mainland opposite S. Mavra was actually a dervish convent.

^{page 117 note 5} Ibrahim Manzour, op. cit. 234. Sheikh Ali is claimed by the Bektashi.

^{page 117 note 6} Cf. B.S.A. xix. 206.

^{page 117 note 7} Above, No. 17.

^{page 117 note 8} Jacob, , Bektaschije, 27.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 1} Grisebach, , Reise durch Rumelien (1839), ii. 230 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 2} Jireshek, , Fürstentum Bulgarien, 411Google Scholar; cf. Kanitz, , Bulgarie, 535Google Scholar, for a description and legends of the tekke. Pehlivan Baba is mentioned in contemporary history (Jorga, , Gesch. d. Osman. Reiches, U. 190 etc.Google Scholar) and in legend becomes inextricably involved in the fantastic adventures of the saint of the tekke.

^{page 118 note 3} Kanitz, loc. cit.

^{page 118 note 4} On Paswanoglou see Ranke, , Servia, 487Google Scholar; Jorga, op. cit. V. 119 etc.

^{page 118 note 5} For the politico-religious combinations of this period see B.S.A. xix. 216 ff.

^{page 118 note 6} Most contemporary travellers in Rumeli mention the devastations of the ‘Kirdjali’ bands in the district of Adrianople and elsewhere.

^{page 118 note 7} F.W.H. It would not be surprising to hear that the tomb of Said Ali was ‘discovered’ by a dervish in Paswanoglou's time.

^{page 119 note 1} Garnett, , Women of Turkey, ii. 438.Google Scholar Magnesia was also a Bektashi stronghold down to 1826.

^{page 119 note 2} Spectateur Oriental, No. 297 (8 Dec. 1827).

^{page 119 note 3} This is a commonplace in the case of the Karaosmanoglou (see especially Keppel, , Journey across the Balkans, ii. 323Google Scholar). For the treatment of Christians by the Ellezoglou see Cockerell, , Travels, 162Google Scholar; Turner, W., Tour in the Levant, iii. 10Google Scholar, Tchihatchef's Reisen, ed. Kiepert, 23; for the similar tendencies of Turkish beys of the Mylasa district Εενοφὰνης iii. 452, Turner, op. cit. iii. 67. For the condition of Christians under the Tchapanoglou see Perrot, , Souvenirs, 386Google Scholar: the best account of them is in Kinneir's, Journey through Asia Minor (85 ff.).Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 4} It is noteworthy that in 1808, when Mahmoud II. came to the throne by the deposition of Mustafa IV. (a creature of the Janissary-Bektashi combination) he had the support of the Karaosmanoglou and the Tchapanoglou, (Times, Nov. 15, 1808Google Scholar, cf. Juchereau, , Hist. Emp. Ott. ii. 247).Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 5} Such a combination certainly existed among the Turkomans of the Angora district in the fourteenth century (Wiener Zeitschr. ƒ. Numis., 1877, 213; cf. Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. i. 214).Google Scholar