² The burial group at the Soultou plot was excavated in the course of four excavation seasons: A. Delt. 29 (1973–1974), 788Google Scholar; 30 (1975), Chr. 278; 37 (1982), 316–22; 51 (1996) (in press). See also K.-Ch.-S.-A. 769, 771 fig. 1. 9.

³ A. Delt. 51 (1996)Google Scholar (in press). See also K.-Ch.-S.-A. 769, 771 fig. 1. 15.

⁴ Greek Gold, 17–19.

⁵ Segall, B., Zur griechischen Goldschmiedekunst des vierten Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Eine griechische Schmuckgruppe im Schmuckmuseum Pforzheim (Wiesbaden, 1966), 23 ff.Google Scholar; Papapostolou, I. A., ‘Ελληνιστικοί τάφοι Πάτρασ i’, A. Delt. 32 (1977) Mel. 291Google Scholar. To the catalogue cited by Tzanavari, Aik., Χρυσό διάδημα από τη Λητη, in Μνήμη Μανόλη, Ανδρόνικου Παράρτημα Μακεδονικών 6 (Thessaloniki, 1997), 357 n. 45Google Scholar, add the diadems listed by Williams, D., ‘The Kyme Treasure’ in Calinescu, A. (ed.), Ancient Jewellery and Archaeology (Bloomington, Ind., 1996), 122–3Google Scholar n. 48–58.

⁶ Williams, D., Tatton-Brown, V. and Walker, S., ‘A lady from Miletopolis’, Jewellery Studies, 5 (1991), 77–8Google Scholar, figs. 1–2; Stierlin, H., Grèce d'Asie: Arts et civilisations de Pergame à Nemrud-Dagh (Paris, 1986)Google Scholar, pl. 48.

⁷ Greek Gold, 108–9 no. 62.

⁸ A. Delt. 35 (1980)Google Scholar, Chr. 397–8; Besios, M., ‘Τύμβοσ Αλυκών Κίτρους Οι Αρχαιολόγοι μιλούν για την’, Πιερία Αρχαία 1985 (Thessaloniki, 1986), 55 fig. 2Google Scholar; Μακεδονία Κατάλογος της Εκθεσης στην Αυστραλία Το Ελληνικό Κόσμημα (Athens, 1988), 354 no. 313Google Scholar; χρόνια Παράδοση. Κατάλογος της Εκθεσησ. 6000 Δεκεμβρίου 21 Φεβρουαρίου 1997 Θεσσαλονίκη Ελάσματα Σίνδου με, 21 ζωφόρο ζώων (Athens, 1997), 137Google Scholar no. 134. For the decorated gold sheet bands from Sindos see Despoini, Aik., Koukouli-Chryssanthaki, Ch., and Adam-Veleni, P. (eds), Μύρτοσ: Μνῆμη Ιουλίας Βοκοτοπούλου (Thessaloniki, 2000), 277 304Google Scholar.

⁹ Pfrommer, M., ‘Rankenornamentik frühhellemstischer Zeit’, Jdl 92 (1982), 119–90Google Scholar. On the constant interchange of artistic trends and ideas in metal crafts between South Italy and Macedonia see Cl. Rolley, ‘Circulation des vases de bronze: De la Macédoinc à la Grande Grèce’ in D. Pandermalis et al. (n. 8), 435–40.

¹⁰ Cf. the diadems from Cyme: Marshall, F. H., Catalogue of the Jewellery: Greek, Etruscan and Roman in the Department of Antiquities, British Museum (London, 1969) nos. 1611–14, figs. 52–4Google Scholar; Hoffmann, H. and Davidson, P., Greek Gold Jewellery from the Age of Alexander (Mainz, 1965), 68Google Scholar, fig. 7 b.

¹¹ Karouzou, S., Ανθολόγημα Θησαυρών Εθνικού Μουσείου (Athens, 1981), 97Google Scholar, pl. 123.

¹² Holtzmann, B., Siphnos, Thasos, Paros (BCH suppl. 4; Paris, 1977), 303Google Scholar; id., ‘Une sima archaïque thasienne’, Thasiaca (BCH suppl. 5; Paris, 1979), 7–9; ‘Sphinge archaïque de Thasos’, CRAI 1991, 91; id., La Plastique archaïque de Thasos: Corpus des reliefs à thème divine (Etudes Thasiennes; Paris, 1994), 21, 27–8.

¹³ On Attic influence on Thasian sculpture see B. Holtzmann, ‘La sculpture à Thasos: Les reliefs’, RA 1992, 192; id. 1994 (n. 12), 78, 85–7.

¹⁴ Despoini, Aik., ‘Η στη.λη από το Ωραιοκαστρο Θεσσαλονίκησ’, Archaische und klassische griechische Plastik (Mainz, 1986), ii. 45–50Google Scholar, at p. 48. Such grave stelai were common on Thasos (Thasos Museum inv. nos. 778, 1604, 3214, 3458, 3753).

¹⁵ See e.g. the floral crowning of the grave-stele from Oraiokastron, Thessaloniki: Despoini (n. 14).

¹⁶ Hoffmann and Davidson (n. 10), 68; Griech. Gold., see 195; Greifcnhagen, A., Schmuckarbeiten in Edelmetall (Berlin, 1970), II. 13Google Scholar.

¹⁷ See n. 11.

¹⁸ The relevant references are gathered in Cook, A. B., ‘The bee in Greek mythology’, JHS 15 (1895), 1–8, 14–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Davies, M. and Kathirithamby, J., Greek Insects (New York, 1986) 47–83Google Scholar; Bodson, L., Hiera Zoia: Contribution à l'etude de la place de l'animal dans la religion grecque ancienne (Brussels, 1978), 25–38Google Scholar.

¹⁹ On the characterization of the participants at Thesmophoria as μέλσσα see Detienne, M., The Gardens of Adonis (London, 1972), 79 81Google Scholar; Loraux, N., The Children of Athena (Paris, 1984), 90–110Google Scholar. On the myth, Bodson (n. 18), 25–38.

²⁰ Rolley, Cl., ‘Le sanctuaire des dieux Patrooi et le Thesmophorion de Thasos’, BCH 89 (1965), 441–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Le sanctuaire d'Evraiokastro. Mise à jour du dossier’, in Μνήμη Λαζαρίδη Πόλις και Χώρα στην Αρχαία Μακεδονία και Θράκη. Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικού Συνεδρίου Καβάλα 9–11 Μαίου 1986 (Recherehes franco-helléniques, I; Thessaloniki, 1990), 405–8Google Scholar.

²¹ Rohde, E., Psyche: The, Cull of Souls and Belief in Immortality Among the Ancient Greeks, tr. Hills, W. B. (London, 1928), 335–61Google Scholar.

²² The infiltration of such beliefs in popular consciousness is detected in the 5th-c. Dionysiac cult at Olbia and seen in the inscribed bone tablets both in the sanctuary and the city: West, M. L., ‘Orphics at Olbia’, ZPE 45 (1982), 17–29Google Scholar. See also the Derveni papyrus: Kapsomenos, M., ‘ο ορφικόσ πάπυρος της Θεσσαλονίκησ’, A. Delt. 19 (1964)Google Scholar, Mel. 17–25; L. Brisson, ‘Les Theogonies orphiques’, in id., Orphée et l'orphisme dans l'antiquité gréo-romaine (Aldershot, 1995), 389 420; Lats, A. and Most, G. W. (eds), Studies on the Derveni Papyrus (Oxford, 1997)Google Scholar; Funerary epigrams of the mid-4th c. often place emphasis on the contrast between body and soul (τοπος ψυσῆς τόπος σώματοσ): Karouzos, N., ‘Τηλαυγέσ Μγήμα’, in Χαριστήριον εἰς Α.Κ. ορλάνδον (Athens, 1976), 274Google Scholar.

²³ Three white-ground cups by the Sotades Painter allegedly found in the same grave in Athens have been interpreted as illustrating interlinked mythical incidents (Myth of Glaukos, nymph Melissa picking the apples of eternal life in the Garden of Hespcrides, Aristaeus killing the snake that bit Eurydice to her death) in which bees and honey are connected with aspects of death and the afterlife: Burn, L., ‘Honey-pots: three white-ground cups by the Sotades Painter’, AK 28 (1985), 93–105Google Scholar.

²⁴ Guthrie, W. C. K., Orpheus and Greek Religion (London, 1935), 156–93Google Scholar.

²⁵ Baladier, C., ‘Production et usages du miel dans l'antiquité greco-romaine’ in Amouretti, M.-Cl. and Comet, G. (eds), Des homines et des plantes: Plantes méditerranéennes; Vocabulaire et usages anciens. Table Ronde, Aix-en-Provence, mai 1992 (Cahiers d'histoire des techniques, 2; Aix-en-Provence, 1993) 113–24Google Scholar.

²⁶ Lullies, R., ‘Zur Bedeutung des Kranzes von Armento’, Jdl 94 (1979), 324–6Google Scholar; Dietrich, B. C., The Origins of Greek Religion (Berlin, 1974), 119–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷ On poppies as an attribute of Demeter see LIMC iv. 1 (1988)Google Scholar, suppl. 846, 859 no. 142, and the representations of stylized poppy bunches on the small propylon at Eleusis. On Hypnos and his connection with death in art and literature see LIMC iv. 1 (1988)Google Scholar, suppl. 846; v. 1 (1992), 592–610. The statuary type of Hypnos holding poppies as attribute in one hand, created in the late Hellenistic period, has been attributed by some to a 4th-c. B C original: LIMC viii. 1 (1997)Google Scholar, suppl. 645.

²⁸ We should further point out that fruits, buds, and blossoms of various kinds embellish the floral patterns on contemporary grave stelai, cf. a late 5th-c. grave stele from Kerč: Blümel, C., Die klassisch griechischen Skulpturen der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin (Berlin, 1966)Google Scholar, pl. 8. no. 8.

²⁹ Semonides, fr 7.83 W. On the poem see Lloyd-Jones, H., Females of the Species: Semonides on Women (London, 1975)Google Scholar; Shear, T. L., ‘Semonides, fr. 7: Wives and their husbands’, in Échos du monde classique, Classical Views, 3 (1984), 46–9Google Scholar.

³⁰ See the gold-sheet ring in grave EK-V (28, FIG. 20) which belonged to a man.

³¹ For a similar motif cf. Greek Gold, 207 no. 138.

³² Iid. 20.

³³ On the feature commonly found on rings of this type see Boardman, J., Greek Gems and Finger Rings (London, 1970), 212Google Scholar.

³⁴ Such earrings typically decorated in paint with rosette motifs are worn by Archaic korai: Payne, H. and Mackworth-Young, J. C., Archaic Marble Sculpture from the Acropolis² (London, 1950), 67, 75Google Scholar; Griech. Gold. 130; Higgins, 124–5, 164. See also Brein, F., ‘Ear studs for Greek ladies’, Anat. Stud. 32 (1982), 89–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ Cf. the more elaborate examples, finely decorated with filigree, from Cyme: Marshall (n. 10) nos. 2060–1; D. Williams, ‘The Cyme Treasure’, in Calinescu (n. 5), 120, fig. 3.

³⁶ Greek Gold, 98 nos. 51–2.

³⁷ On the presence of strigils in female graves see ΤάΦοι, 167 nn. 165–6.

³⁸ Cf. Boardman (n. 33), 183, fig. 726

³⁹ For this type of earring see Hadaczek, K., Der Ohrschmuck der Griechen und Etrusker (Vienna, 1903), 13–16Google Scholar; Silantěva, P. F., ‘Spiralevidnye podveski Bospora’, Trudy Gosudarstrennogo ordena Lenina Ermitaža, 17 (1976), 123–37Google Scholar; Higgins, 126; Greich. Gold. 152.

⁴⁰ Despoini, Aik., Αρχαία Χρυσά Κοσμήματα (Athens, 1996)Google Scholar no. 56. Cf. also an early East Greek spiral earring with three globule finials from Rhodes in Marshall (n. 10) no. 174.

⁴¹ Mesembria-Zone: A. Vavritsas, PAE 1970, pl. iii β; 1971, pl. 159 α; 1983, pl. 29 γ. Samothrace: Dusenbery, E. B., ‘The nekropolcis’, in Lehmann, Karl and Williams-Lehmann, Ph. (eds), Samothrace: Excavations Conducted by the Institute of Fine Arts, New fork University (Bollingen Series, 60. 2; Princeton, 1998), ii. 960Google Scholar.

⁴² Blank, I., ‘Griechische Goldschmuckimitationen des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.’, Ant. W. 7. 2 (1976), 22 5Google Scholar; Lunsingh-Scheurleer, R. A., ‘Terracotta imitation jewellery’, BA Besch. 57 (1982), 192–6Google Scholar. For this type of earring in gold see Higgins, 122 3 and cf. the examples cited by Greek Gold, 110 no. 63, 120 no. 70, 146 no. 88, 149 no. 89, 190 no. 122.

⁴³ Higgins, 93; Greek Gold, 231 no. 163.

⁴⁴ H. Philipp, Bronzeschmuek aus Ohmpia (Ol. Forsch. 13; Berlin, 1981), 229.

⁴⁵ Cf. the spindles found in graves at Dervcni: ΤάΦοι, 118.

⁴⁶ The fact that it has no perforations along the edges suggest that it was fastened to another headband in the shape of a wreath.

⁴⁷ For wedding garlands sec Blech, M.. Studien zum Kranz bei den Griechen (Berlin, 1982), 340–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The symbolic use of wedding themes in funerary art and practice is well known and attested by a variety of sources; see Barringer, J. M., ‘Europa and the Nereids’, AJA 95 (1993), 657–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar for a comprehensive survey on the funerary symbolism of wedding themes and the close connection between marriage and death in popular belief, art, and ritual with extensive bibliography.

⁴⁹ For the use of ἐναγισμοί see Kurtz, D. C. and Boardman, J., Greek Burial Customs (London, 1971), 124, 175Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ The practice of throwing jewellery into pyres is also attested in the necropolis of Samothrace where bronze jewellery pendants were found in or around pyre areas, Dusenbery (n. 41), 965–7.

⁵⁰ For similar twisted wires with loops connecting items of a gold necklace from an early 5th-c. grave at Pydna: Tsigarida, B., ‘Fifth century BC jewellery from the cemeteries of Pydna, Macedonia’, in Williams, D. (ed.), The Art of the Greek Goldsmith (London, 1998), 53 fig. 6. 6Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Griech. Gold. 169, figs. 118–19.

⁵² Blank, I., Studien zum griechischen Halschmuck der archaischen und klassischen Zeit (Cologne, 1974), 93Google Scholar.

⁵³ Sindos: Catalogue of the Exhibition; Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki (Thessaloniki, 1985) no. 148, 510Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Miller, S. G., Two Groups of Thessalian Gold (Classical Studies, 18; Berkeley, 1979), 28–9Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Human heads and busts as necklace pendants: Higgins, 127–8; Miller (n. 54), 28–9; Greek Gold, 205 no. 135. Animal heads: Greek Gold, 55 no. 8.

⁵⁶ Double-axes arc common pendant items on the archaic necklaces from Sindos: Sindos (n. 53), 96 no. 148, 179 no. 285, 291 no. 479.

⁵⁷ Horak, U., ‘Amulett mit fünf Anhängern und perlenverziertes Haarband’, Tyche, 10 (1995), 27–31Google Scholar. An amulet necklace of a similar type is worn by the child Eros on a gold medallion: Hoffmann and Davidson (n. 10) no. 93, pl. 6. Similar necklaces with bone pendants have been found in child burials at Abdera: Kallintzi, D., ‘Ανασκαφή ταφικού τύμβου στα Αβδηρα’, AFMTh 4 (1990), 565Google Scholar, fig. 8.

⁵⁸ Papaoikonomou, Y., ‘L'enfant aux astragales’, BCH 104 (1981), 255–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Themelis and Touratsoglou (n. 37), 167–8; for astragaloi on jewellery see Αρχαία Μακεδονία (n. 8), 45 no. 84, pl. 17. The numerous pierced astragaloi found in Samothracian child burials were possibly used as amulets: see Dusenbery (n. 41), 950. On the possible meanings of astragaloi see Kurtz and Boardman (n. 48), 77, 208–9, 263, and Hampe, R., Die Stele aus Pharsalos im Louvre (Winkelmannsprogramm 107; Berlin, 1951), 5–39Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ It has been also suggested that ‘the inclusion of a necklace in a burial, whether it decked the corpse or was an offering committed to the fire may have been symbolic of a wish for a merger of the human with the divine’, Dusenbery (n. 41), 964.

⁶⁰ Cf. the similar miniature silver bracelet found in a child's grave at Mesembria-Zone: A. Vavritsas, PAE 1969, pl. 90 ε.

⁶¹ For a close parallel cf. a chance find from Central Macedonia in Εκκηνικό Κόσμημα, (n. 8), 120 no. 112.

⁶² B. Deppert-Lippitz, ‘Greek bracelets of the classical period’, in Williams (n. 50), 91–2.

⁶³ An alternative hypothesis would be to consider that the whole set was owned by a female who approached adulthood and included items worn by her at earlier ages.

⁶⁴ Pouilloux, J., Recherches sur l'histoire el les cultes de Thasos; de la fondation de la cité à 196 avant J.-C., i, (Études Thasiennes, 3; Paris, 1954), 371–80Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Hdt. vi. 66–7.

⁶⁶ Holtzmann 1979 (n. 12), 445 9; Hauptmann, A., Pernicka, E., and Wagner, G. A., ‘Untersuchungen zur Prozeßtechnik und zum Alter der frühen Blei- und Silbergewinnung auf Thasos’, in Wagner, G. A. and Weisgerber, G. (eds), Antike Edel- und Buntmetallgewinnung auf Thasos (Anschnitt, Beih. 6; Bochum, 1988), 88–112Google Scholar; ibid. 113–24.

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⁶⁹ Grandjean, Y. and Salviat, F., Guide de Thasos (École Française d'Athénes; Paris, 2000), 297Google Scholar fig 259. The diadem has been recently discussed by Aik. Dcspoini (n. 8), 285–95 in relation to the gold sheet bands from Sindos.

⁷⁰ See also the gold ring with a representation of a satyr's head on the bezel which was found in Hellenistic deposits of the Sanctuary of Artemis, Maffre, J.-J. and Salviat, K., ‘Chronique des fouilles à Thasos’, BCH 102 (1978)Google Scholar, Chroniques 827 fig. 34 a–b.

⁷¹ It may not be accidental that the presence of precious jewellery into Thasian tombs coincides with anintensification in the exploitation of gold and silver mines observed during the 4th c. BC, a period of general reorganization and blooming of the city's wealth and prosperity. Ch. Koukouli-Chryssanthaki, ‘Die archaeologische Funde aus den Goldgruben bei Kinyra’, in Wagner and Weisgerber (n. 66), 177. On the gold mine of the Akropolis, where the main period of activity was the 4th c. BC see A. Muller, ‘La mine d'or de l'acropole de Thasos’, ibid. 180–97.

⁷² Holtzmann 1992 (n. 13), 189.

⁷³ For the area of Thrace see Archibald, Z. H., The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace (Oxford, 1998), 190–6Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Szymanca, Z. H., ‘Greek or Thracian'? Some problems of identifying sources of metalwork’, Dritter internationaler Thrakologischer Kongreß zu Ehren W. Tomaschecks, Wien 2–6/6/1980 (Sofia, 1984), 106–10Google Scholar; Bakalakis, G., ‘Η Πανυμνητός’, Θρακική Επετηρίδα Κομοτηνήσ 6 (1988), 1–32Google Scholar.

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⁷⁶ Θησαύροι της Αρχαίας Μακεδονίας Κατάλογος τησ Εκθεσης Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Θεσαλονίκησ (Athens 1979), 90Google Scholar.

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⁷⁸ Bakalakis (n. 74), 20–1 n. 12 with bibliography.

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