A long-known verbal glyph in Classic Maya inscriptions is reinterpreted as a glyph for dancing (ahk'ot), apparently an important ritual of the ancient Maya. The glyph is found with scenes showing one or several dancers. Glyphs after the verb can be shown to describe the objects and instruments employed in dances. This article analyzes several examples of Maya dances and the ritual and social context in which they occur. These include the dance with a staff with cloth tied down its length, a dance with a “God K” scepter, a dance with a staff with birds attached to it, a dance with a staff with a “God K” figure seated on top of it, a snake dance, dances in warrior outfit, and dances at royal visits. A variety of dances is represented on polychrome ceramics. Many polychrome ceramics can be shown to depict dancing companion spirits, while others show dances associated with historical events. A comparison with colonial and modern Maya dances shows that they share the same emphasis on dance objects, but that the underlying religious and political messages have changed almost completely.

The Aztec empire was composed of at least two kinds of entities, subject states and tribute provinces, and these were administered through at least two separate hierarchies. Imperial tribute, which was extracted from the common people, was not delivered through the same channels as those through which subject rulers interacted with their imperial overlords. This arrangement enabled the latter to deal with the subject rulers not as tribute-givers, but as allies and colleagues, while extracting a heavy tribute from their commoner subjects. In the core area of the Aztec empire, which included the northern Valley of Mexico, the boundaries of the subject states and tribute provinces did not coincide, and this contributed to the economic and political integration of the core area. The tribute provinces consisted only of those communities within a region that gave tribute to the empire, and the elimination of such obligations after the Spanish conquest effectively liquidated the tribute provinces.

Two genera of nonhuman primates that include howler monkeys (Alouatta palliata and Alouatta pigra) and spider monkeys (Ateles geoffroyi) currently are located throughout the Maya region. It has been suggested that the Classic Maya associated these monkeys, especially howler monkeys, with the arts. This view is exemplified in the Popol Vuh and in depictions of monkey-man scribes on Late Classic (c. a.d. 550–900) ceramics. This paper provides evidence that a third genus, the capuchin monkey (Cebus capucinus), is also located in the southern Maya region and may have extended as far north as Belize within the last century. Supporting data are drawn from historic accounts, artifact and faunal analysis, and linguistic data. It is also proposed, based on an interspecific comparison of morphological and behavioral characteristics, that capuchin monkeys rather than howler monkeys are the animals represented in depictions of monkey scribes.

Recent archaeological settlement pattern research in the 550 sq km Comayagua Valley in central Honduras has documented considerable variation in the political structure of one ranked society over a 2,500-year period of prehistory. Data presented suggest that this Lenca and proto-Lenca culture group underwent at least five major political restructurings during this time as a response to the local, regional, and interregional political climate on the southeast Mesoamerican periphery. Such variability calls into question traditional models postulating a lack of complexity or adaptive flexibility for indigenous cultures of lower Central America.

Salvage excavation of a small mound on the south coast of Guatemala revealed evidence of Late Preclassic salt production. Most potsherds are of a crude, thin-walled utility ware believed to have been used in evaporating salt water over fires. Level-by-level attribute analysis suggests evolution of a more efficient vessel form for this purpose. A typological study of fine ware and radiocarbon dating firmly position the mound chronologically. Charcoal was abundant; daub and elongated hearths probably figured in the technology. Also, the absence of edible plant remains and the scarcity of obsidian blades and animal bone add to the picture of a specialized, salt-producing locality. The represented salt-making technology is partially reconstructed using comparative ethnographic, ethnohistorical, and archaeological sources from southern Mesoamerica.

Excavations of a ceremonial ballcourt, undertaken at the Lowland Maya center of Pacbitun in western Belize, have provided details about ancient construction techniques and major diachronic structural changes to this special class of Precolumbian architecture. Some of the identified building alterations may have necessitated changes in the manner of playing the sacred Maya game at Pacbitun. A brief description of the excavations and construction history is provided. Analysis of artifactual remains from the ballcourt indicate it was built during the Late Preclassic period (100 b.c.-a.d. 300), but substantially altered in form during the Late Classic period (a.d. 550–900). The importance of the ballgame in the southern Lowlands is noted, and the particular significance of the Pacbitun court is discussed.

A new obsidian source has recently been discovered in the highlands of Guatemala, near the city of Sansare, El Progreso. Ten samples have been subjected to neutron activation analysis, and the results are presented. While ceramic affinities tie the Sansare area with Formative and Classic period Highland Maya sites, linguistic evidence suggests that Postclassic inhabitants of this region were Xinca speakers.

Anthropologists have long speculated that ancient peoples of Mesoamerica used a toad, Bufo marinus, as a ritual intoxicant. This hypothesis rests on many iconographic and mythological representations of toads and on a number of speculative ethnographic reports. We reject B. marinus as a candidate for such use because of the toxicity of its venom. A more likely candidate is the Sonoran desert toad, Bufo alvarius, which secretes large amounts of the potent, known hallucinogen, 5-methoxy-N, N-dimethyltryptamine (5-MeO-DMT). We demonstrate that the venom of B. alvarius, though known to be toxic when consumed orally, may be safely smoked and is powerfully psychoactive by that route of administration. These experiments are the first documentation of a hallucinogenic agent from the animal kingdom, and they provide clear evidence of a psychoactive toad that could have been employed by Precolumbiae peoples of the New World.

The Canek Manuscript describes a visit by Fray András de Avendaño y Loyola, two Franciscan companions, and ten Maya sacristans from the town of Tipu to the towns of Chacan on the western shore of Lake Peten Itza and Noh Peten (Tah Itza or Tayasal) on the island that today is Flores, Peten, Guatemala. This visit probably occurred in January or February, 1695, two years before the Spanish conquest of Noh Peten. The four-folio manuscript is a fragment of a larger document, the remainder of which is lost. The Franciscan author, a lay brother, was probably Fray Alonso de Vargas. This contribution places the manuscript in its ethnohistorical context, describes it content, and discusses its significance.

The Canek manuscript is written in a distinctive linguistic style, probably a local variant of Spanish influenced by Yucatec Maya and archaic forms of Spanish. It also reflects a curiously ambivalent perspective on the Itza king Canek, at once aligning him with the pagan Indians and suggesting an affinity with Saint Francis. Like many other colonial texts, the four extant folia of this manuscript show a blending of verbal genres. This paper presents a discourse analysis of the manuscript, demonstrating that it is organized according to a systematic rhetorical structure based on syntactic foregrounding, poetic parallelism and thematic development. Placed in the context of other colonial documents, this one displays the cultural and linguistic ambivalence of its author.

The Canek Manuscript offers an unusual opportunity for examination of the material culture of the Itza Maya of the seventeenth century. The document contains information about beds, canoes, musical instruments, royal jewelry and clothing, buildings, and religious objects. We interpret the textual information in terms of its reflection in the archaeological record and in ethnohistoric and ethnographic sources.

Excavation of the large elite structures around the Structure 10L-32 plaza at the northeast corner of Group 10L-2, at the south edge of the Acropolis at Copan, supports the view that this group was the residence of the royal family during the Late and Terminal Classic Coner phase. During the hundred years of construction at the uppermost plaza level, structure change and growth follows two patterns: (1) a tendency for subsequent buildings in one place to retain a similar form and probably function, and (2) a trend away from domestic structures to ritual or public buildings. As the buildings around the plaza grew, access to the complex was increasingly limited. The largest two, Structures 10L-32 and 10L-30, were built late in the eighth century by a noble named Chac, who was a close associate, relative, or sibling of Yax Pac. The older Structure 10L-29, on the terrace above the plaza, was dedicated to the worship of royal lineage ancestors. The collapse of this group occurred in two stages, a decline of the nobility early in the ninth century, followed by violent destruction of buildings and monuments sometime before that century ended. This sequence of events may apply to the entire Principal Group and adjacent elite residential areas.

The architectural sculpture legacy of Late Classic Copan provides a source for understanding the sociopolitical and ideological adaptations of the rulers of this ancient city. Fieldwork conducted since 1985 has been directed toward documentation and conservation of the tens of thousands of mosaic sculpture facade pieces covered for centuries by collapsed debris or lichens. Hypothetical reconstructions of motif configurations and their rearticulation within building facades compose larger iconographic themes. The iconological study of these compositions opens a window for analyzing the nature of the religious and political symbolism produced by the last four rulers of Copan. Using these data, a shift from the cosmological and fertility themes employed by the thirteenth and fourteenth rulers to the emphasis on warfare by the fifteenth and sixteenth rulers can be documented.

The investigation of Structure 10L-26 has revealed a series of sequent monumental constructions underlying the elaborate final phase temple/pyramid made famous by the Maya area's largest hieroglyphic stairway. The meticulous recording and analysis of the archaeological, architectural, hieroglyphic, and iconographic materials from this sequence of sculpture-adorned buildings provides the opportunity for a diachronic view of the nature of the historical record and political symbolism. Investigations conducted to date provide hieroglyphic and archaeological evidence in support of the sequence of rulers documented in the official histories of the last four rulers of Copan, and evidence of a dramatic shift in the use of this space, and of political symbolism in general, by the fifteenth king, Smoke Shell. While the lack of evidence for “re-writing of history” will be encouraging to many, the evidence also shows the need for a careful assessment of official histories by archaeological excavations. Just as important, the Copan Acropolis research demonstrates the usefulness of incorporating ideas and data derived from the careful scrutiny of the public monuments in ongoing archaeological investigations and model building.

As a consequence of long-term archaeological research at Copan, 1,425 archaeological sites containing 4,507 structures have been located and mapped over an area of 135 km2. As part of the PAC II research, 200 archaeological sites representing a 15% stratified random sample of all valley sites were test excavated from 1983–1989. From these excavations, 2,150 obsidian hydration dates were processed, representing the largest number of chronometric dates from controlled contexts currently available from any southern Lowland Maya site. Based on this chronological research, there appears to be an excellent fit with various other available chronological techniques for all time phases except the ending date of the important Coner ceramic phase, which now appears to have extended to A.D. 1250. This more detailed Copan chronology suggests that the political collapse of the Main Group and immediate vicinity was quite sudden, taking place c. A.D. 800–830. Beyond that, however, the chronometric data provide evidence that some of the secondary elite, or lineage heads, and large numbers of rural commoners continued to reside within the valley in reduced courtyard groups or small rural hamlets for about 400 years following the decentralization of the Copan polity.