The largest series of Neolithic human skeletal material derives from Çatalhöyük, in the Konya plain of peninsular Turkey. The excavations were carried out by James Mellaart in three seasons between 1961 and 1964 (Mellaart 1962; 1963; 1965). Larry Angel of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC, and Denise Ferembach of the Musée de L'Homme, Paris, worked on the material in the mid-1960s (Angel 1971; Ferembach 1972). Angel was primarily interested in recording pathological conditions, and Ferembach in recording skeletal metrics; consequently their two sample sets are not entirely the same. Where there is overlap, in general their sex determinations agree. Neither published any detailed study of the jaws or teeth, and yet these are now the most intact part of the material. It is this collection of jaws and teeth that has been the subject of our study, which is an attempt to provide a comprehensive analysis of the dentitions of a Neolithic sample.

Small samples from two larger deposits of grain and seeds discovered in the 1967 season's work at Can Hasan were examined by the writer, and it was thought useful to submit a short note on them before the whole deposits were examined in detail. Both of them come from Layer 5.

The first sample (Can Hasan 1967 Batch 2203) contained 14 grains of Hordeum hexastichum (Hulled six-row barley) (Fig. 1), and 5 grains of Triticum sp. which were too fragmentary to be identified more specifically than as “wheat”.

The aim of this study is to introduce the glass vessels housed in Eskişehir Archaeological Museum. Thirty vessels are housed in the museum, out of which 19 are currently exhibited. Most of the vessels entered the collection by purchase. One vessel (no 5) was found during a rescue excavation of a Roman tomb in Bilecik in 1985, although unfortunately we do not have detailed information about the tomb. Another vessel found during a rescue excavation at the tumulus of Alpu Kocakizlar and a further one from the Pessinus excavations are not included in this article.

The vessels in the museum are very limited in their forms and decoration, and it is possible that these plain vessels were produced for daily use. The glasswares are classified by typology, and five major groups are recognised. The vessels are first considered by their usage, and then typological differences are considered within each group. Underneath the vessel-type headings the groups are discussed and then their catalogues are given. The examples in the museum are dated from the first to fifth centuries AD.

The theatre of Sagalassos lies to the north-east of the city, high up the mountain. It is undoubtedly one of the best preserved monuments on the site (Pl. XXV (a)), although some parts of it have collapsed as a result of successive earthquakes. The southwestern part of the cavea, which was built on artificial substructures, and the free-standing stage building are particularly badly damaged, but even there the blocks still lie scattered in the vicinity and very few pieces are missing. Despite this, opinion concerning the reconstruction of the scaenae frons, and even some details of the cavea, differs widely (see below).

During the 1991 season at Sagalassos we started a study of the building and its decoration. Even though this has not been completed, some results have already arisen, which I would like to discuss in this article. A close examination of the fallen blocks of the stage building, gave clear indications for the reconstruction of the scaenae frons. Their decoration supplies clues for the dating of the monument. New study of the theatre façade allows a one-stage reconstruction, as proposed originally by G. Niemann in Ch. Lanckoronski's work concerning the cities of Pisidia and not the two storeys, proposed by D. de Bernardi Ferrero, and a date in the last quarter of the second century A.D.

The aim of the research presented in this paper was to find out more about Tarsus in the time of Sennacherib and his successors from a Mesopotamian standpoint, and to discover whether Assyrian influence persisted into subsequent periods.

Two fragments of text attributed to the Babylonian priest Berossus, who lived in Babylon under Antiochus I, have been transmitted by Eusebius and were attributed to Polyhistor and to Abydenus as intermediaries. They relate the deeds of Sennacherib in Cilicia. Both versions say that he built the city of Tarsus in the image of Babylon. Both versions say that Sennacherib defeated Ionians or Greeks in Cilicia. The version of Polyhistor claims that Sennacherib left a statue of himself in Cilicia with a record of his deeds inscribed in ‘Chaldaean’ script, and the text claims, in saying ‘as he (sc. Sennacherib) reports’, to be derived from a contemporary account of Sennacherib's deeds (Burstein 1978: 24 fn 79). Abydenus' version says that the king had his deeds inscribed truthfully and mentions that he built a ‘temple of the Athenians’ and erected bronze pillars.

About 1 km. north of the village of Yaraşlı on a natural hill that forms an extension of Karaca Daǧ, is a large and impressively defended site locally called Çevre Kale (Fig. 1). Pottery from the surface is Imperial Hittite and Phrygian in date. There is later material, Hellenistic to Byzantine, beneath and adjacent to the village. Yaraşlı is a large well watered village in the Kulu district (ilce) of Konya province (il). The map reference is 59-Ie on the 1:200,000 sheet for Katrancı (Harita Genel Müdürlüǧü 1945).

The aims of the project were to produce a photographic record of the site from the air, using a helium filled blimp and remote controlled camera, from which plans could be drawn and relationships between the various elements of the site determined. Air photographs revealed outlines of buildings that could not be seen on the ground (Pls XLI–XLV(a)). An overall plan has been drawn (Fig. 3). In some cases it has been possible to draw stone for stone plans (Fig. 5 and Pl. XLIV(b), Fig. 6 and Pl. XLV(a)). The results are much superior to those that could have been achieved by traditional cadastral survey and were obtained in a short time. During the course of the day photographs can be taken in varying light so that changes in shadow highlight different features.

This brief account concentrates on the results of the third consecutive summer (9 June–18 July) of excavations at Büyüktepe Höyük, a collaborative expedition between the University of Melbourne and Erzurum Museum conducted by a staff of fifteen. Many thanks are due to the Ministry of Culture and the Directorate of Museums and Monuments for granting permission to carry out the research, and to their officers who once again showed their customary helpfulness. These gentlemen, particularly Mesut Güngör, Director of Culture at Erzurum, Abdullah Taşdelen, Director of Erzurum Museum, and Hilmi Özkorucuklu, representative of the Ministry of Culture, are primarily responsible for ensuring that our work progressed without any interruptions. We were delighted by a visit from the Vali of Bayburt and his staff, as well as authorities from Demirözü, including the Kaymakan, who made us welcome and gave us much assistance.

Lycian scholars have long recognized that a number of the sepulchral inscriptions of Lycia refer to certain disciplinary agents responsible for punishing persons guilty of illegal use of a tomb—e.g. by making unauthorized burials in the tomb. TL 57 provides a typical example:

There has been some fluctuation of opinion on the actual nature of the disciplinary agents involved. Many of them once thought to have been secular authorities can now quite confidently be regarded as deities or religious institutions, and this of course throws a rather different light on the nature and purpose of the penalty clauses in the inscriptions. In some cases, these clauses seem to have threatened the offender with divine retribution and nothing more, but in other cases, the offender apparently risked a more tangible form of penalty. One might then ask to whom precisely a tomb violator was answerable for his offence, and what precisely was the nature of the penalty imposed upon him.

Any examination of the geography of western Asia Minor in the second millennium B.C. must begin with the accounts of two campaigns—(a) that of Mursilis II against Arzawa, and (b) that of a Hittite king (probably also Mursilis, but perhaps Muwatallis), against the Lukka-lands and Millawanda. In each case the route followed by the Hittite army is given:

Two things are clear from these accounts. First, the campaigns start off in the same general direction, as they both pass through Sallapa. Secondly, after Sallapa they diverge. There are no names beyond Sallapa common to the two, and there is no suggestion that all the later names in each list must be closely grouped in neighbouring areas reached by a common long march from Hattusas. But it is worthwhile, I think, to try to establish more closely the relationship between the two routes, and to build up a pattern in the hope that it can be applied to existing geographical and archaeological considerations.

In the course of the survey of the surface remains of the North Lycian city of Balboura, our attention was drawn to three small buildings near the southwest corner of the agora (Fig. 1), because their association with a series of inscriptions casts an interesting light on the society of the city. Most of these inscriptions have long been known, although three are unpublished, but their significance cannot be fully appreciated without some knowledge of the buildings and statue bases with which they are associated. Our aim, therefore, is to consider the architectural and epigraphic evidence together.

The buildings concerned (Figs. 2–4) are, from west to east, an exedra set up by Onesimos the city slave (demosios), with statues of the Demos and Boule of Balboura; a temple of Nemesis, also built by Onesimos; and a second exedra, set up by the wealthy Meleager, son of Castor. All three buildings face southward onto a paved street, and turn their backs to the agora, which was set at a lower level to the north.

Some painted pottery recently purchased by the East Anatolian museums is of considerable interest from the point of view of second millennium cultures in the Van and Urmia Basins. Taking into account the suggestion that a cultural break occurred around Lake Van in the second millennium B.C., the importance of these painted vessels increases.

Excavations outside Eastern Anatolia, particularly in North-West Iran, have produced painted pottery in considerable quantities dating to the second millennium B.C. Haftavan Tepe and Geoy Tepe are two of the main sites which supply detailed information about this painted pottery, and suggestions have been made previously by M. R. Edwards about their distribution.

The painted pottery in the East Anatolian museums clearly demonstrates that such vessels are not restricted to the region of Lake Urmia. The occurrence of a painted pottery tradition around Lake Van may well indicate that this region was not culturally isolated in the second millennium B.C.

A major Hittite city-mound in the vicinity of the Kerkenes Dağ having been identified by Dr. Summers (see previous article), the question naturally arises whether their ancient Hittite names can be determined. Unfortunately this central area of the Hittite kingdom was completely distorted in The Geography of the Hittite Empire (1959) by the misplacing of Pala-Tumanna and Nerik and the places, such as Mt. Ḫaḫarwa, associated with them. Allusions to “the sea” locate these places firmly, with Zalpa, at the opposite end of the zone occupied by the Kaška folk, in the far north by the mouth of the Kızıl Irmak, and the maps in that book must be disregarded.

Kuşaklı Höyük stands in the basin of the Kanak Su which rises just above the site of Alişar. This stream is a tributary of the Delice Su which flows north-westward into the Kızıl Irmak and which Forlanini has suggested might be the Hittite “Red River”, said to have “mingled its waters with the Maraššantiya”, but the Kanak Su and its tributaries have not yet been certainly identified in the Hittite texts.

The scholar who works in two fields at the same time has a distinct advantage over those who work in only one, namely that he can bring to bear on a problem considerations which are new to the field to which it belongs but have been found to be valid in the other. In this way new light can be shed on hitherto unsolved problems, light which may in fact lead to their being solved. This, in fact, is the aim of the present discourse. The problem in question is the unsolved metre of the Hittite epic. The solution here offered is based on the writer's researches into possible influences—notably in the form—of this epic on the Greek epic tradition which lies behind the Homeric poems. The results of these researches will not be available in their entirety for some time, but the author is publishing in advance this individual conclusion which he feels may be of interest to classical scholars and, in particular, to orientalists.

1992 was the first season of the Oxford University/British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Survey of Medieval Castles of Anatolia. Over the next five years it is planned to survey and record in as much detail as practicable five Byzantine castles in the area of the Büyük and Küçük Menderes river systems in western Turkey. The five castles will eventually be published in a single monograph where they can be discussed as a group and placed in their historical and geographical context. An annual preliminary report will appear in Anatolian Studies, which we hope will serve as a forum to test ideas, raise problems, and encourage other historians and archaeologists to suggest further ways of obtaining the most from these sites.

The five sites—indicated on Fig. 1—are Mastaura kalesi (near Bozyurt, in Aydın ili, Nazilli ilçesi, merkez bucağı); Yılanlı kalesi (on the side of the Boz dağ near Kemer in İzmir ili, Ödemiş. ilçesi, Birgi bucağı); Çardak kalesi (near Çardak in Denizli ili, Çardak ilçesi, merkez bucağı); Yöre kalesi (near Yöre köy in Aydın ili, Kuyucak ilçesi, Pamukören bucağı); and Ulubey kalesi (on the Kazancı deresi near Ulubey in Uşak ili, Ulubey ilçesi). None has received more than brief notice before; none has been planned or studied in any detail. They have been chosen to cover the whole period of Byzantine rule in the area from the seventh century to the early fourteenth, and a variety of the different types and functions of Byzantine castles. Yılanlı is possibly a late seventh-century fortress, built in the context of the Arab attempts to take Constantinople and the consequent struggle to control the western coastlands of Asia Minor. Çardak appears to have been built between the seventh and the ninth century principally to act as a look-out point in the Byzantine defensive system against Arab raids.

Gordion, ancient capital of Phrygia, was a large and thriving city of secondary importance during the period of the Achaemenid Persian Empire (ca 550–333 BC). Recent work makes possible a reconsideration of the site: evaluating its architecture, finds and use of landscape within and after the socio-economic and administrative context of the Achaemenid imperial system enables the following new overview. During the Achaemenid period, Gordion’s populace participated in the broad cultural exchanges enabled by the imperial system and may have emphasised animal husbandry. When Alexander’s conquest led to the collapse of the Achaemenid administrative infrastructure, the impact on Gordion’s economy and cultural circumstance was profound. Its population plummeted, the architectural and spatial organisation of the site changed dramatically and new directions and means of trade and cultural interaction developed. Gordion’s archaeological remains reflect and emphasise the tremendous historical and political changes attending the end of the Empire and the beginning of the Hellenistic period.

The Maeander river (modern Büyük Menderes Nehri) provides the longest natural route through the mountains of central western Anatolia to link the Aegean basin to inner Anatolia, and research suggests that permanent settlement within the river's catchment had begun at least tentatively by the Late Neolithic period. However, the limited amount of archaeological research in the region has restricted our understanding of the inhabitants' settlement histories and intra- and inter-regional cultural contacts during prehistory. This paper seeks to understand better the nature of settlement dynamics and cultural interactivity from the Neolithic period through to the Late Bronze Age in this region by reviewing the available literature within a broad geographic context encompassing western Anatolia and the Aegean, neighbours whose archaeological evaluations have largely been conducted in isolation from each other. The evidence suggests that these early communities interacted with each other and inter-regionally with fluctuating intensities during prehistory, with the interior remaining more traditionally Anatolian, while the lower, coastal area experienced increasing interaction with and influence from Aegean cultures over time. The lower valley also displays a relatively static number of prehistoric sites in contrast to the middle and upper regions, where more dynamic and largely parallel settlement histories are seen.

In the initial survey of the upper Tigris river valley the authors of the survey report concluded that ‘either this portion of the Tigris basin was bypassed entirely by Middle Bronze Age development attested to elsewhere or, more likely, it is characterised by a thus far unreported and unrecognised assemblage’ (Algaze et al. 1991: 183). Recent research by members of the Upper Tigris Archaeological Research Project (UTARP) at the site of Kenan Tepe confirms the latter hypothesis, that the early second millennium in this area is marked by a regionally distinct material culture assemblage that is influenced by ceramic traditions in upper Mesopotamia and other material culture traditions in Anatolia. This article outlines our initial assessment of these data including an analysis of the ceramic corpus, architecture, archaeobotany, small finds and carbon-14, and places these data in a regional context. We conclude by speculating that the inhabitants of Kenan Tepe may have participated in interaction spheres that linked the upper Tigris river region to greater Mesopotamia and Anatolia.

The excavations at Gordion have produced extensive material to be added to the epigraphical record of central Anatolia. Included in this are 187 Phrygian texts written in the epichoric script of Gordion, which have recently been published by Claude Brixhe and Michel Lejeune, and a large body of pottery marks, numerical texts, and other non-verbal graffiti, which has been studied by the present author. There is in addition a quantity of epigraphical material from the Hellenistic levels at Gordion not discussed in these two works. While their individual character is quite varied, these Hellenistic texts have in common the fact that all were written in Greek script. Eleven of them consist of words or short phrases in the Greek language, while the remainder are owners' marks, i.e., names or abbreviations of names. These texts shed light on several aspects of the site during the Hellenistic period. They help document the decline of both Phrygian script and language in the settlement. They also suggest probable shifts of population during the late fourth and third centuries B.C. through the increasing use of common Greek proper names and the occurrence of Celtic names. In general, they provide a glimpse of the impact of the Greek presence on the local Phrygian populace during the fourth and third centuries B.C.

1. In the article which precedes Mr. Hawkins has proposed the readings NEG2 and NEG3 for the signs of Hieroglyphic Luwian and has argued that these logograms had the phonetic values na and ni respectively. These readings are supported by internal evidence and do not require any further justification, but it is necessary to see how plausible their consequences are from the linguistic point of view.

1.1. The discovery of two negative particles, a prohibitive ni and a factual na, is welcome. Hieroglyphic now joins Cun. Luwian (prohibitive nis, factual nawa), Lycian (prohibitive ni, nipe, factual ne, nepe) and Hittite (prohibitive lē, factual natta). It is not as yet absolutely certain that Palaic does not make any distinction between prohibitive and factual negatives: the particles ni and nit are relatively frequent, but it is not altogether clear whether they occur or not in prohibitions. On the other hand it is normally assumed that Lydian has generalized one negative (nid “not”, nik “and not”) for both types of sentence.

The Roman–Lycian notable and ex-procurator of Sicily, C. Julius Demosthenes of Oenoanda, who flourished under the Flavian Emperors, under Trajan and under Hadrian, is now well-known, following the publication of the richly-detailed Demostheneia Festival inscription by M. Wörrle. New investigation in 1994 into the archaeological context of Demosthenes' statue base (YÇ 1024), found on the site of Oenoanda in 1895 and published by Heberdey and Kalinka, has revealed that it was not re-used as stated by Hall and Milner, but shaped specifically for its original construction as the western anta of a semicircular exedra. In this article we trace the location, design and decoration of the exedra and discuss the inscriptions which adorned it.