¹ Hogarth, D. G., Carchemish, Part I: Introductory, London, 1914Google Scholar; Woolley, C. L., Carchemish, Part II: The Town Defenses, London, 1921Google Scholar; Woolley, C. L. and Barnett, R. D., Carchemish Part HI: The Excavations in the Inner Town, and The Hittite Inscriptions, London, 1952Google Scholar (henceforth abbreviated Carc. I, II, III.)

² Ranging, e.g., from “Carchemish”, in Pfeiffer, C. F., ed., The Biblical World: A dictionary of Biblical archaeology, Grand Rapids, MI, 1966, pp. 165–9 to “Karkamiš,”Google Scholar by Hawkins, J. D., in RLA V: 5–6, Berlin, 1980, pp. 426–46Google Scholar.

³ See panoramic view of the plain, taken from the citadel of Carchemish, in Carc. II, frontispiece.

⁴ This smaller river rises near Gaziantep and enters the plain at the northwest, to join the Euphrates further south — just opposite Tell Ahmar, ancient Til Barsib (cf. sketch map in Carc. II, Fig. 5).

⁵ Hogarth, D. G., “Carchemish and its Neighbourhood,” LAAA II (1909), 165–89Google Scholar.

⁶ Luckenbill, D. D., Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, Vol. I, Chicago, 1926, §651Google Scholar. (See also, recent speculation that the territory controlled by Carchemish may even have extended to Tūnp, south of Gaziantep on a tributary of the Sajur: Hawkins, J. D. and Morpurgo-Davies, A., ’Buying and Selling in Hieroglyphic Luwian,” in Serta Indogermanica: Festschrift für Günter Neumann, Tischler, J., ed., Innsbruck, 1982. p. 92Google Scholar.)

⁷ For topographic details, I have referred to the US War and Navy Department Agency, Army Map Service Sheets, nos. 117470–475, Washington 1945 (Syria) and to the map of Prof. F. Sabri Duran, published by Kannat Kitabevi, Istanbul, 1951 (Turkey). For the Aleppo route, cf. Dussaud, R., Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et mediévale, Paris 1927CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Eddé, J., Géographie de la Syrie et du Liban, Beirut 1931Google Scholar. For the Killiz-Gaziantep route, see von der Osten, H. H., Explorations in Hittite Asia Minor, 1929 [O.I.C. 8] Chicago 1930Google Scholar, and Archi, A., Pecorella, P. E. & Salvini, M., Gaziantep e la sua regione, Rome 1971Google Scholar. According to personal communication from M. V. Seton-William in 1972, there is a large mound at Killiz that has never been excavated.

⁸ Primary studies: Christaller, W., Central Places in Southern Germany, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1966Google Scholar (originally published in German, in Jena, 1933) and Lösch, A., The Economics of Location, New Haven, 1954Google Scholar (originally Jena, 1944). More recently, see Haggett, P., Locational Analysis in Human Geography, London, 1965Google Scholar, Berry, B. J., Geography of Market Centres and Retail Distribution, Englewood Cliffs, N.J. 1967Google Scholar, and Chorley, R. J. and Haggett, P., Network Analysis in Geography, New York, 1970Google Scholar. For applications to earlier, historical situations, see Skinner, G. W., “Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China,” JAS 24 (1964) 195–228 and 363–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar, as well as Johnson, G. A., “A Test of the utility of Central Place Theory in archaeology,” in Man, Settlement and Urbanism, eds. Ucko, P. J., Tringham, R. and Dimbleby, G. W., London, 1972, pp. 769–85Google Scholar.

⁹ See complete list of references in Hawkins, , RLA, V/6, pp. 441–2Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For the inscriptions from Carchemish, see Hawkins, J. D., “Building Inscriptions of Carchemish,” Anat. Stud. XXII (1972) 87–0114CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., “Some Historical Problems of the Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions,” Anat. Stud. XXIX (1979) 153–167; id., “Kubaba at Karkamiš and Elsewhere,” Anat. Stud. XXXI (1981) 147–175, and summaries in id., RLA V/6, pp. 442–6.

¹¹ In addition to the primary publication of this material, see important review article of Carc. III: Güterbock, H. G., “Carchemish”, JNES XIII (1954) 102–14Google Scholar; also recent detailed studies of the sculpture and reliefs by Orthmann and Genge: Orthmann, W., Untersuchungen zur späthethitischen Kunst [Saarbrucker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde, Bd. 8] Bonn, 1971Google Scholar; Genge, H., Nordsyrisch-sudanatolische Reliefs: Eine archäologisch-historische Untersuchung, Datierung und Bestimmung, Copenhagen, 1979Google Scholar; henceforward Orthmann, USK, and Genge, NSR. See also summary of monuments and their dating in Hawkins, , RLA V, pp. 439–41Google Scholar, and reviews of Orthmann by Winter, JNES 34 (1975) 137–42Google Scholar and Hawkins, , ZA 63 (1974) 309–10Google Scholar.

¹² Genge, NSR, Ch. IV: 1, p. 57. It is curiously disturbing that the name of such a wealthy king as Sangara, attested in Assyrian tribute lists from at least ca. 870 when first mentioned by Assurnasirpal II, to 848 B.C., when last mentioned by Shalmaneser III, should not appear on any of the monuments preserved from Carchemish itself (cf. Hawkins, , RLA V/6, pp. 443–4Google Scholar). In order to accommodate the Assyrian evidence, the dynasty of kings represented by buildings and inscription: Suhis I, Astuwatamanzas, Suhis II and Katuwas, have all been placed prior to Sangara, beginning in the middle of the 10th century (Hawkins, , “Assyrians and Hittites,” Iraq XXXVI (1974) 70–2Google Scholar). As for Sangara, there are several possibilities: (1) the king did not in fact build or inscribe any buildings, the major construction having been completed prior to his reign and/or the demands of Assyrian tribute having depleted his resources; (2) evidence of his building has not yet been discovered; or (3) he ruled and built under a different name.

¹³ Hawkins, , Iraq, XXXVI, p. 73Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Cf. plan, , Carc., II, Pl. 3Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Cf. plan, , Carc., III, Pl. 41aGoogle Scholar. There was evidently also a temple to the goddess Kubaba on the citadel, although few remains were found (cf. Güterbock, , JNES XIII, p. 109Google Scholar).

¹⁶ Thematic parallels exist in considerable number: bowman vs. horned animal, chariot riding over fallen enemy, camel rider, animal combats, chimaera and the “Humbaba” motif at Tell Halaf and Carchemish; lion-genius holding reversed animal, winged griffin genius, chimaera, storm god, seated woman in high polos, bowman vs. horned animal, chariot riding over fallen enemy at Zincirli and at Carchemish [cf. Orthmann, USK, Pls. 12a, 9a, 8e, 11e, 11g and 10a (Halaf), compared with Pls. 33d, 24a, 28c, 33g, 27b, 28a (Carc.); and Pls. 60a, 59b, 61c, 58d and 59c (Zinc.) with Pls. 33a, 26d, 27b, 23e, 29f, 24a, 33d (Carc.)]. The closest comparisons in style and details are to be made in facial physiognomy, dress and ornaments such as crests on horses' heads [ibid., Pls. 8d, 28a, 57c; 11a, 29c, 57d; 11b, 24a, 57a].

¹⁷ The most current editions of the Til Barsib stelae are to be found in J. D. Hawkins, “The Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions of Syria,” to be published in Annales Archéologiques de Syrie [Stele A of Hamiyatas =Hawkins, Tell Ahmar 2] and in id., “The ‘Autobiography of Ariyahina's Son’: An edition of the hieroglyphic Luwian stelae Tell Ahmar 1 and Aleppo 2,” Anat. Stud. 30 (1980) 141–56Google Scholar[Stele B, naming Hamayatas as a previous ruler, =Hawkins, Tell Ahmar1]. This material is further discussed in the present volume by the same author, to whom I am indebted for permission to make reference to his forthcoming ms. For Stele A, see also, Poetto, , “Una revisione dell'iscrizione Luvio-geroglifica di Til-Barsip II,” Oriens Ant., 17 (1978), 279–85Google Scholar; for general discussion, Ussishkin, , “Was Bit-Adini a Neo-Hittite or Aramaean State?” Orientalia, NS 40 (1971) 431–7Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Orthmann, USK, Pl. 53c (Til Barsib) with Pls. 23e, 26b (Carc).

¹⁹ Ibid., Pl. 53d (Til Barsib) with Pls. 24a, b. etc. and 25e (Carc).

²⁰ Ibid., Pl. 54a–c (Til Barsib) with Pl. 25a, b, d (Carc).

²¹ Barnett, , Carc. III, p. 263Google Scholar; and cf. Genge, , NSR, p. 57Google Scholar, for the same possibility.

²² Alkim, U. B., Yesemek Taşocaǧi ve Heykel Atelyesinde Yapılan Kazı ve Araştırmalar, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1974Google Scholar. With this in mind, one is tempted to encourage archaeological survey along the Euphrates basin for comparable quarries in our region, particularly as Sennacherib recorded exploiting a quarry for stone jars and sculpture at “Kapridargila, on the border of Til Barsib” (Luckenbill, , ARAB, II, § 390Google Scholar).

²³ I would not be at all surprised if the basalt “Kubaba” stele from Birecik, just upstream of Carchemish, also belonged to this group, as once again, the dress, hairstyle, proportions, polos, hand positions, and mirror can be directly compared to female figures from Carchemish, such as the goddess from the Long Wall, and the seated and processing women from the King's Gate (cf. Orthmann, USK, Pls. 5c and Pls. 23b, 29f and g.

²⁴ Ibid., Pl. 62c, d and e. The statue base, with a small genius figure in relief kneeling between two lions, is very close in subject matter and conception, though different in style from two such bases found at Carchemish, ibid., Pls. 32d and e (= Carc. II, B.26 and III, B.53a; see on this also, Mallowan, M., “Carchemish,” Anat. Stud. XXII (1972) 83–4Google Scholar).

²⁵ Ibid., Pl. 35g (= Carc. II, A.13).

²⁶ Ibid., Pl. 32a,b. (= Carc. III, B.54a). See addendum, p. 197.

²⁷ Contrary to Orthmann, , USK, p. 60Google Scholar; cf. my review of same, JNES, 34 (1975), p. 138Google Scholar. In fact, this would not be the only work stylistically contemporary with the Herald's wall and apparently re-used by Katuwas in the Royal Buttress — cf. Carc. III, p. 195Google Scholar and discussion by Guterbock, , JNES, XIII, pp. 106–7Google Scholar.

²⁸ E.g., vis-a-vis Assyria in the reigns of Kilamuwa (9th c.) and Panammuwa and Bar-Rakib (8th century) — cf. Donner, H. — Röllig, W., Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften, Wiesbaden 1968Google Scholar, Nos. 24, 215 and 216–18, resp. On the Kilamuwa text, cf. also, F. M. Fales, “Kilamuwa and the foreign Kings: Propaganda vs. Power, , “Welt des Orients X (1979) 6–22Google Scholar. Genge, (NSR, Ch. II, pp. 48–50)Google Scholar would see this Zincirli ruler as a crude Aramaic copy of a Carchemish prototype.

²⁹ For a discussion of the processes involved in such interaction, see Winter, , “Perspective on the ‘Local Style’ of Hasanlu IVb: A study in receptivity,” in Mountains and Lowlands: Essays in the Archaeology of Greater Mesopotamia, eds. Levine, L. D. and Young, T. C. Jr., Malibu, 1977, pp. 371–86Google Scholar.

³⁰ Carc. II, Pl. 28:2, 3 and 4.

³¹ Carc. III, B.49b (= Orthmann, USK, Pl. 27a).

³² Carc. I, B. 11a and 11a (= Orthmann, USK, Pls. 26b and a).

³³ Barnett, R. D., A Catalogue of the Nirnrud Ivories, London 1957Google Scholar, S.1, 2, 10, 19, 20, 28, 30, for example.

³⁴ Carc. I, Pl.0 A.la; II, Pl. A.12a; III, Pls. A.24a₄ and B.37–43, 46.

³⁵ Orthmann, USK, Pl. 29d.

³⁶ Ibid., Pls. 26a, 32 d and e.

³⁷ For example, ibid., Pl. 33g.

³⁸ Ibid., Pl. 26a.

³⁹ Carc. III, Pl. B.57b.

⁴⁰ Ibid., Pl. B.39a.

⁴¹ For a special case of the reverse of this situation, see Kantor, H. J., review of Tell Halaf IIIGoogle Scholar, in JNES 15 (1957) 171–4Google Scholar, and further comments in I, J. Winter, North Syria in the Early First Millennium B.C., with special reference to Ivory Carving, unpubl. PhD. dissertation, Columbia University, 1973, pp. 350–4.

⁴² North Syria and Ivory Carving, ins. in progress.

⁴³ Barnett, CNI, S.50.

⁴⁴ Grayson, , ARI, 2, § 584Google Scholar (Assurnasirpal II); King, L. W., The Bronze Reliefs from the Gates of Shalmaneser, King of Assyria, London, 1915Google Scholar, Pl. XXXIII (Shalmaneser III).

⁴⁵ Grayson, , ARI, 2, § 44Google Scholar (Tiglath Pileser I) and § 681 (Assurnasirpal II).

⁴⁶ Winter, I. J., “Carved Ivory Furniture Panels from Nimrud: A coherent sub-group of the North Syrian Style,” MMJ 11 (1977) 25–54Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ It should be noted that similar regional production in wood, bone and ivory carving is still attested in North Syria as late as the early 20th century — cf. Werfel, Franz, The Forty Bays of Musa Dagh, Engl. transl. by Dunlop, G., New York, 1934, p. 42Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Cf. Carc. III, Pl. 71 f., and pp. 167 and 211Google Scholar, as discussed in Winter, I. J., “Phoenician and North Syrian Ivory Carving in Historical Context: Questions of Style and Distribution,” Iraq, XXXVIII (1976) 16Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Christaller, , Central Places, p. 20Google Scholar; Haggett, , Locational Analysis, p. 136Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Christaller, , Central Places, pp. 28 and 29Google Scholar.

⁵¹ See Tadmor, H., “Assyria and the West: The ninth century and its aftermath,” in Unity and Diversity, eds. Goedicke, H. and Roberts, J. J. M., Baltimore and London, 1975, p. 37Google Scholar.

⁵² This was attempted on a gross, regional level by Jankowska, N. B., “Some Problems of the Economy of the Assyrian Empire,” in Ancient Mesopotamia, Diakonoff, I., ed., Moscow, 1969, pp. 253–76Google Scholar; Maxwell-Hyslop, R. has culled references specifically to iron, in “Assyrian Sources of Iron: A preliminary survey of the historical and geographical evidence,” Iraq, XXXVI (1974) 139–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵³ ARI 2, § 584Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ See map in Maxwell-Hyslop, , Iraq, XXXVI, Pl. XX and p. 148Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ The best documented parallels for this exchange are those preserved in the Amarna correspondance, cf. Zaccagnini, C., Lo Scambio dei doni nel vicino oriente durante i secoli XV–XIII [Orientis Antiquii Collectio — XI], Rome 1973Google Scholar, esp. Ch. IV: L'articolazione sociale, pp. 183–4, for discussion of gifts to or between “Great Kings,” including weapons, jewellery and chariots.

⁵⁶ Luckenbill, , ARAB I, § 601Google Scholar (Kurkh Monolith).

⁵⁷ Ibid., § 599; and see Hawkins, , Iraq, XXXVI, pp. 79–80Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ The large quantity of copper vessels from Patina, seen in conjunction with Cypriote pottery found in 'Amuq sites just at this time and the corresponding intensity of activity at coastal Al Mina which begins in the third quarter of the 9th century (Du Plat-Taylor, J., “The Cypriote and Syrian Pottery from Al-Mina, Syria,” Iraq, XXI (1959) 62–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar), suggest that Patina may have recently acquired access to Cypriote copper, which then accounted for a large portion of its wealth. Archaeological evidence thus supports the details given in the Assyrian tribute lists of 9th century kings, and encourages us to put some weight on their veracity.

⁵⁹ See, for example, the accounts of Tiglath-pileser III which include only generalized lists of tribute or booty from a group of subservient rulers — ARAB, I, § § 772, 801.

⁶⁰ In addition to the study of Maxwell-Hyslop on Assyrian sources of Iron, cited above, fn. 79, see also Mazzoni, S., “Gli Stati siro-ittiti e l'“eta'oscura”: fattori geo-economici di un sviluppo culturale,” Egitto e Vicino Oriente, IV (1981) 311–41Google Scholar, esp. 324–5, in which the wealth of all of the North Syrian states are attributed to their proximity to sources of metal.

⁶¹ See now, Hawkins, and Morpurgo-Davies, , in Festschrift Günter Neumann, pp. 94–5 and 98–9Google Scholar, where at least we have the Neo-Hittite Luwian words for buying and selling, and transactions of land-sale are attested (in re Carc. A.4a), if not “trade”.

⁶² See on this, Roebuck, C., Ionian Trade and Colonization, New York, 1959Google Scholar; Boardman, J., The Greeks Overseas (2nd edition), Baltimore, 1980Google Scholar.

⁶³ Hawkins, , “Karkamiš,” RLA V, p. 426Google Scholar, citing Pettinato, G., “Carchemiš Kār-Kamiš,” Or. Ant., 15 (1976) 11–15Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Cf. Sasson, J., “A Sketch of North Syrian Economic Relations in the Middle Bronze Age,” JESHO 9 (1966) 161–81Google Scholar; Dossin, G., “Aplaḫanda, roi de Carkemiš,” RA 35 (1938) 115–21Google Scholar; Klengel, H., Geschichte Syriens im 2 Jahrtausend v. u. Z., Teil I — Nordsyrien (D. Akad. der Wiss. zu Berlin, Institut für Orientforschung, Veroffentlichung Nr. 40), Berlin 1965Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Johns, C. H. W., Assyrian Deeds and Documents, Cambridge, 1901, pp. 264, 268–70Google Scholar. And cf. CAD ‘M’, vol. 1 (1977)Google Scholar, manû, p. 220: Al.b, citing ADD 35: 3 & 41:2.

⁶⁶ See on this most recently, Garelli, P., “Importance et role des Araméens dans l'administration de l'empire assyrien,” in Mesopotamien unde seine Nachbam [RAI XXV, Berlin 1978]Google Scholar, eds. H.-J. Nissen and J. Renger, Berlin, 1982, pp. 437–8; H. Tadmor, “The Aramaization of Assyria: Aspects of Western Impact,” in ibid., pp. 449–70; and I. Winter, “Art as Evidence for Interaction: Relations between the Assyrian Empire and North Syria,” in ibid., pp. 355–82.

⁶⁷ Waterman, L., Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire, Ann Arbor, 1930–1936, no. 186Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Another, unfortunately unspecified reference to natives of Carchemish residing in the Assyrian capital is to be found in the “Nimrud Wine-lists,” (Kinnier-Wilson, J. V., The Nimrud Wine Lists, London, 1972, p. 91Google Scholar, dated to the reign of Adad-nirari III). Rather than being prisoners of war, as suggested by Kinnier-Wilson (pp. 91, 93), Tadmor has speculated that these may be merchants, along with others of foreign origin included in the same list (Unity and Diversity, p. 42).

⁶⁹ Christaller, , Central Places, pp. 20, 42Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ It is presumably for this reason that Sargon II grants the city of Assur freedom from quay duties in the so-called “Assur Charter” (Saggs, H. W. F., “Historical Texts and Fragments of Sargon II of Assyria I: The ‘Assur Charter’,” Iraq, XXXVII (1975) p. 17Google Scholar, 11. 36a, 38a, 36b) as a special privilege, in order to “make (his) dynasty firm”.

⁷¹ Grayson, , ARI, 2, § 584Google Scholar; and see fn. 12.

⁷² In Unity and Diversity, p. 37, re ARI, 2, ¶ 585Google Scholar.

⁷³ See on this the itinerary provided in the Kurkh monolith of Shalmaneser III (ARAB, I, § 599), and the comments thereon by Na'aman, N., “Two Notes on the Monolith Inscription of Shalmaneser III from Kurkh,” Tel Aviv, 3 (1976) 89–106CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 92–7. The next major crossing of the Euphrates north of Carchemish is Birecik; however, there is no direct evidence that the Birecik crossing was at that time part of Kummuh, and not at the northern reaches of the territory controlled by Carchemish. With the discovery of a rock relief of Shalmaneser III on the west bank, near Kenk Gorge, north of Birecik, at a place where even today it is relatively easy to cross the river by goat-skin raft, we must consider this crossing as well (cf. Tasyürek, O. A., “A Rock Relief of Shalmaneser III on the Euphrates,” Iraq, XLI (1979), 47–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar), although the relief itself was carved after this campaign, as the inscription refers to Shalmaneser's third campaign and the taking of Til Barsib (ibid., p. 49). Finally, if Hawkins is right in connecting the mound of Samsat with Neo-Babylonian Kimuhi and Assyrian Kummuh (“Kummuh”, RLA, VI/5–6Google Scholar), then Shalmaneser could have crossed well to the North. Some-how, for arrival in Gurgum, however, this does not seem the most efficient route, and one would prefer to seek a more direct road via either Birecik or Kenk Gorge.

⁷⁴ ARAB I., § 599.

⁷⁵ Ibid., §'s 559, 567, 601.

⁷⁶ Ibid., §'s 599, 601, 610.

⁷⁷ Cf. Maxwell-Hyslop, , Iraq, XXXVI, pp. 148–9Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Tadmor, , Unity and Diversity, p. 38Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Sarduri II (ca. 764–735 B.C.) was able to defeat Malatya, and then impose vassalage upon Kuštašpi of Kummuh, after destroying the latter king's royal city of Halpa (modern Halfeti) on the Euphrates (cf. König, F. W., Handbuch der chaldischen Inschriften [AfO Beiheft, 8] Graz, 1955–1957, p. 124Google Scholar, Inscr. 103, rev. pt. 9, § iv). See also, Hawkins, , Iraq XXXVI, p. 80Google Scholar; and van Loon, M., “The Euphrates Mentioned by Sarduri II of Urartu,” in Anatolian Studies Presented to Hans Gustav Güterbock, ed. Bittel, K., Istanbul 1974, pp. 187–94Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ There seem to have been no campaigns south of Kummuh, but this is not to deny the influence of Urartu upon the rest of North Syria during this time. Rather, it took a form other than military intervention — i.e., political alliance. In a fragment of a treaty found at Nineveh that may be part of a treaty between Assur-nirari V of Assyria and Mati'el of Arpad, the state immediately to the south and southeast of Carchemish in the 8th century, it is announced that: “… if the Urartean envoys come, you shall not receive them…” (Millard, A. R., “Fragments of Historical Texts from Nineveh,” Iraq XXXII [1970] 174Google Scholar). Clearly, then, the diplomatic presence of Urartu was a reality that had to be addressed. Similarly, when Tiglathpileser III began at the beginning of his reign to reclaim the North Syrian territories, he found Urartu allied with most of those states against him (Luckenbill, , ARAB I, § 769Google Scholar and §§ 797, 813).

⁸¹ Cf. Hawkins, , Anat. Stud. XXV, p. 150Google Scholar, Appendix 2, re Carchemish A. 15b, 4; and Anat. Stud. XXIX, p. 157Google Scholar. Although the passage is badly damaged, it is also possible that Yariris came into direct conflict with Assyria at this time; at least, he refers to the Assyrian king (carrying?) away the Storm-God of Aleppo, at which time he (the Storm-God) retaliated against the land of Assyria (with fire?) — cf. Hawkins, , Iraq, XXXVI, p. 72Google Scholar, re Carchemish A.24, and personal communication regarding the final logogram for a word generally meaning “red”, hence, fire(?). A second fragment, A.6, refers to one “[X]-atanas, Assyrian king,” which may refer to Assur-dan — ibid., p. 73. At any rate, conflict with Assyria at a time when Carchemish was allied with Urartu would not be unexpected.

⁸² Hawkins, , Iraq, XXXVI, p. 68Google Scholar; Anat. Stud. XXV, pp. 150, 152Google Scholar.

⁸³ Luckenbill, , ARAB II, § 8Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Cf. reference in fn. 80; and discussion in Astour, M., “The Arena of Tiglath-pileser III's Campaign against Sarduri II (743 B.C.),” in Aššur, Vol. 2, No. 3 (October, 1979)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ ARAB II, § 118Google Scholar; & see, also Display Inscriptions from Khorsabad, ibid., § 55.

⁸⁶ ARAB II, §§ 12–22, 42–3, 71Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Cf. most recent publication by Postgate, C. N., “Assyrian Texts and Fragments,” Iraq, XXXIV (1972) 90–8Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ A brief account of the capture of Carchemish is given in the annals, inscribed on the walls of Sargon's palace at Khorsabad (ARAB II, § 8), and on a prism-fragment found at Nimrud in 1952 (Gadd, C. J., “An Inscribed Prism of Sargon II from Nimrud,” Iraq, XVI (1954) 173–201CrossRefGoogle Scholar). The longest account was on a basalt slab from Nimrud which stood at the entrance to Room U of the Northwest Palace of Assurnaṣirpal, restored by Sargon, in which the treasures of Pisiris of Carchemish were said to have been stored (cf. ARAB II, § § 137–8, and Gadd, Iraq, XVI, p. 181Google Scholar). Sargon's rage at the “evil words, lies and vile talk” spread by Pisiris about Assyria which led to the attack, annexation of the territory and establishment of a governor over the people of Carchemish, has been discussed by Tadmor, (“The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assyria: a chronological-historical study,” JCS 12 (1958) 22–3Google Scholar).

⁸⁹ Carc. III, pp. 211, 265Google Scholar. A fragmentary cuneiform text that seems to be part of an Assyrian royal inscription and may well belong to Sargon is also published (ibid., pp. 265 and 280, and Pl. A.33m). J. D. Hawkins confirms (personal communication) that this is a fragment of an annalistic account, most likely belonging to Sargon if compared to other known inscriptions, such as his Hamath stele. The only distinctive phrase preserved is 1.4: NU-MUSA-puratti, lit. “Widow of the Euphrates,” which could conceivably refer to Carchemish after its conquest.

⁹⁰ Lambert, W. G., “The Reigns of Assurnaṣirpal II and Shalmaneser III: An interpretation,” Iraq, XXXVI (1974) 106Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Such a reading for the West can perhaps be supported further by arguments martialled for trade as the primary motivating force behind military and political actions by both Assyria and Urartu in the East as well (cf. Levine, L. D., “East-West Trade in the Late Iron Age: A view from the Zagros.” in Le plateau iranien et l'Asie centrale des origines á la conquête islamique [Colloques internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, No. 567], Paris, 1976, pp. 171–86Google Scholar.

⁹² Winter, , Iraq, XXXVIII (1976) 20Google Scholar.

⁹³ Borger, R., Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Königs von Assyrien (AfO, Beiheft 9), Graz 1956, pp. 107–9Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Cf. Saggs, H. W. F., “The Nimrud Letters, 1952 — Part VII,” Iraq, XXVII (1965) 27Google Scholar, re ND 2671, regarding the failure of the grain crop in the region of the border between Arpad and Kummuh; also, Waterman, Royal Correspondence, letters 500 and 1082, with reference to grain production in Adini and Hatti; and discussion thereof in Winter, , Unpublished PhD. diss., “North Syria in the Early First Millennium B.C.…”, pp. 457–8Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Hawkins, , RLA, V/6, “Karkamiš,” p. 445, § 16Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Ibid., p. 446.

⁹⁷ See Klengel, H., Geschichte Syriens im 2 Jahrtausend v. u. Z., Teil I — Nordsyrien (D. Akad. der Wiss. zu Berlin, Institüt für Orientforschung, Veröffentlichung Nr. 40) Berlin, 1965Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ In fact, once it was clear that the reliefs of Suhis II and Katuwas were to be dated prior to Assurnaṣirpal, it became a possibility that Carchemish itself, if not North Syria in general, could have served as a stimulus for the very development of Assyrian architectural relief (cf. Winter, , in Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn, p. 356Google Scholar).

⁹⁹ Ibid., pp. 357, 364–5.

¹⁰⁰ E.g., Assyria under Tiglath-pileser III and again under Sennacherib, cf. ibid., pp. 366–7.