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The Annals of Hattusilis III

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

O. R. Gurney
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Extract

The Hittite kings were the first to record the events of their reigns in annalistic form, beginning, it seems, with the first king of the Empire, Tudhaliyas I/II. His successors continued the practice, and annals are preserved for Arnuwandas I, Suppiluliumas I (composed by his son), and above all for Mursilis II. There is no reason to think that the following kings were any less proud of their achievements, but Muwatallis II's archives have not yet been discovered, nor has any continuous text been found for the reign of Hattusilis III. For the reigns of Tudhaliyas IV and Suppiluliumas II (nothing is known of Arnuwandas III) it seems that with the development of the “hieroglyphic” script and the Luwian language these kings adopted the practice of inscribing their “deeds” (LÙ-natar “manliness”) in a new form beginning “I am …” on monumental inscriptions or commemorative statues.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 47 , December 1997 , pp. 127 - 139
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1997

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References

1 See Cançik, H., Gründzüge der hethitischen und alttestamentlichen Geschichtsschreibung (1976)Google Scholar; Hoffner, H. A., “Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East”, Orientalia 49 (1980), 283–332Google Scholar; Gurney, The Hittites (1990), 143–7Google Scholar. Edicts of earlier kings contain historical sections but this was not their main purpose.

2 See Hawkins, J. D., The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (SÜDBURG) (Studien zu den Boğazköy-Texten, Beiheft 3, 1995), 49 and 57–9Google Scholar; also for YALBURT, in Festschrift Sedat Alp (1992), 260Google Scholar.

3 This must refer to Tudhaliyas as GAL MEŠEDI, as pointed out by Houwink ten Cate in ZA 82,257, the special tablet being CTH 83, but in 1. 3 it is uncertain whether the name or some other phrase should be restored. In 1. 5 Houwink ten Cate suggests the restoration lú[la-aḫ-ḫi-ia-la-an]. It seems unlikely that Hattusilis would have left the country or the army in charge of a boy (cf. KUB XIX 8 iii 27Google Scholar).

4 The names Nataš and Ḫarḫaššuwanta are restored from the bronze tablet: the broken sign in the latter is here not ḫa but could be TAR/ḫraš. Both are in the section where the reference point is Hawaliya. The name U-ti-iḫ/im-, if read with im, yields the name Utima, for which see below, but the sign appears to be iḫ. We do not have Forrer's reading for this.

5 Restorations conjectural. Wasuwatta is attested as one of Telipinu's depot cities (see Forlanini, , VO 7 151 f.Google Scholar), but one could also consider a variant for Usau/wala in the Hulaya boundary. For ḪAR-pu-ta-u-na in the land of Harziuna see KUB XXVI 43Google Scholar obv. 43.

6 Wattarwa (once Wa-at-ta-ru-wa) was restored by Cornelius and was an AGRIG town in the KI.LAM festival (Singer, , AnSt XXXIV 115, 122Google Scholar), but it is associated with Masa and the River Hulana and is usually written with -tar-. Waltanna is a place opposite Walma, in KBo IV 10Google Scholar (though not in the bronze tablet); Wartanna is a district of Lusna (= Lystra) in CTH 225. Here Watta[nna] is confidently restored as a third variant by Freu (Hethitica VIII, 130Google Scholar), assuming assimilation, though I know of no parallel (Pasuhalta/Parsuhalda is not the same place as Purusḫanda/Burusḫattum). Wattarusna was far away in the north-east (KUB XXIII 72Google Scholar).

7 Restoration conjectural, cf, Götze, , NBr 73Google Scholar.

8 Götze copied Ku-wa-ap!-pa-aš-ša, but Forrer, who also had the tablet before him, saw a clear la and this is usually accepted. Forlanini however accepted the copy and identified with Kabassos in Cataonia, (VO 7, 158Google Scholar).

9 Restorations after Forrer, , Forschungen I 30Google Scholar and Kup. (CTH 68) §9.

10 Plural (or collective) subjects such as ERÍN MEŠ are assumed on account of 1. 10.

11 So Forrer, in his Forschungen (1926) p. 31Google Scholar. In accordance with his views on geography he identified Walwara, Mata and Sanhata with villages named Ibrala, Divle and Korash on the plateau between Karaman and Ereğli, Sallusa with (cl.) Soloi on the coast, Nahita with an unknown place in the mountains between (ibid. 78), and Walma – which he identified also with the site of the battle on the River Astarpa – with a crossing-place of the River Seihan above Adana (ibid. 47). With the fixing of Arzawa in the west and Kizzuwadna in the east these views became totally obsolete.

12 For the location of Walma cf. Bryce, T. R. in AnSt XXIV 109 n. 45Google Scholar, and below.

13 Cf. Laroche, , Hethitica VI 87 fGoogle Scholar.

14 Or 52, 97.

15 Cf. Gurney, , Festschrift Sedat Alp (1992) 218Google Scholar.

16 “Photographs of YALBURT, apud Özgüç, T., Inandiktepe (1988)Google Scholar; monograph by Poetto, M.L'iscripzione luvio-geroglifica di YALBURT (1993)Google Scholar; article by J. D. Hawkins and monograph on SÜDBURG with appendix on YALBURT (1992 and 1995 (see above, n. 1).

17 The appearance of a Wiyanawanda corresponding to Lycian Oenoanda admittedly raises doubts about the location of Mira-Kuwaliya near the Akar Çay (which has been generally accepted), since the “sinkholes of Wiyanawanda” are said to have been on its Hittite frontier (Kupanta-KAL treaty S9). Bryce, in JNES 51, 122Google Scholar has used this as evidence for a location of the Lukka Lands in Lycaonia on account of the location of the Yalburt inscription; Cornelius in RHA XVI/62, 9Google Scholar on the contrary for a location of Mira in Caria, the Astarpa and Siyanti rivers being the Maeander and the Indus respectively. But this question is outside the scope of this article. It is more usual to suppose the existence of more than one Wiyanawanda, though the central one has no classical reflex. Cf. Laroche, E., Hethitica VI (1985), 87 fGoogle Scholar. A different Wiyanawanda is certainly attested in KUB XXXVIII 1Google Scholar (Forlanini, , Fs. Alp, 178Google Scholar) and there was another between Kummanni, and Lawazantiya, , KBo XVII 103 i 16fGoogle Scholar. (Fs. Meriggi, 171).

18 See Forlanini, , VO 7, 162Google Scholar: Freu, , Hethitica VIII 140Google Scholar: letter edited by A. Hagenbüchner, Die Korrespondenz der Hethiter, 16THeth no. 165.

19 Hagenbüchner, op. cit. no. 18. See also Singer, , AnSt XXXIII 214Google Scholar.

20 KBo XIV 20 i 19 ff.Google Scholar, and KBo XVI 53Google Scholar, Forlanini, , SMEA XVIII 214 f.Google Scholar, del Monte, , RGTC VIGoogle Scholar, s.v. Huwalusiya and Parduwata.

21 The circuit is apparently resumed with Mata, Sanhata, Surimma and Saranduwa, at the last of which “the sea is the boundary”. Otten suggested this was at Anamur or Alanya. Would it not rather be at Kelenderis (modern Gilindere) which R. Beal wishes to be the site of Ura, (AnSt XLII 65 ff.Google Scholar) but which in fact has a suggestive resemblance to Saranduwa?

22 These lands and their location in Hittite Anatolia have been much discussed: see especially Garstang-Gurney, , The Geography of the Hittite Empire, Chap. VIGoogle Scholar; Bryce, T. R., JNES 33 (1974), 395–404Google Scholar, Antichthon 19 (1979), 1–11Google Scholar, and JNES 51 (1992), 121–130Google Scholar (with summary conclusion on final page); and most recently Otten, H., Steiner, G., and Börker-Klähn, J. in Akten des II. Internationalen Lykien-Symposions, Ergänzungsband Nr. 17 zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris (Wien, 1993)Google Scholar.

23 Usawala was first compared with Isaura by Garstang, (JNES III 32Google Scholar, now ap. Freu, , Heth. VIII 130Google Scholar). Forlanini, (VO 7)Google Scholar has a number of impressive suggestions. For Walwara, he compares (p. 156) David French's Zeus Ouolorenos in a dedication recorded at Kiyakdede near Şarkikaraağaç and Iflatun Pınar, (AnSt XXXIV 11)Google Scholar. For Ussanda (with Pitassa and Sarmana) in a join to KBo XVIII 80Google Scholar, his equation with Vasada (Hall, , AnSt XVIII map opp. p. 58Google Scholar) is note-worthy (p. 160). Sarmana is the place of the salt-lick in the bronze tablet. Tuzlukçu near Akşehir (Forlanini, loc. cit. n. 145) seems rather far north for this, as indeed does Kiyakdede for Walwara. Edmund Gordon found a more suitable place for the latter at Velverid Harabeleri W. of Seydişehir (private communication). For Kuwalapassa the reading is uncertain: see above, n. 8. Carruba has proposed to identify the name with Telmessos rather than Colbasa: see Lebrun, R. in Festschrift Sedat Alp 362 ffGoogle Scholar. But in KUB XXIII 83Google Scholar Kuwalapassa and Talawa are closely grouped with Iyalanda, which was on the Hittite king's route to Millawanda. Whether the latter was at Miletus or Milyas, it is difficult to see how this could have taken him anywhere near Telmessos.