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Vanishing Indians: The Social Construction of Race in Colonial São Paulo*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Muriel Nazzari
Muriel Nazzari*
Affiliation:
Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana
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Extract

Much has been written about race and race stereotyping in Brazil in relation to African-Brazilians and their mixed African-European descendants. The situation of Indians and their mixed-blood descendants has been studied much less. In fact, the word mestizo as it is used in Spanish America does not translate well into Portuguese, for in Portuguese a mestiço can be any mixture. In the case of Brazil, it can mean either a descendant of Indian-European parents or of African-European parents.

This paper studies racial classifications in seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth-century São Paulo. São Paulo was a unique region in colonial Brazil and, because of its unique history, these findings cannot be automatically extrapolated to all other parts of Brazil. São Paul was very poor, especially if compared to the northeast, and later to Minas Gerais, the center of the gold and diamond mining region. Though the town was founded in 1554, it lacked exportable natural resources until the late eighteenth century, so that the economy was partly based on the raising of a few cattle and crops for subsistence or for sale locally or to other regions of Brazil. The labor needs of Paulistas (inhabitants of São Paulo) were met through exploratory and slaving expeditions called bandeiras that replenished their Indian labor force or else provided captives to be sold to other parts of Brazil. Though there were a few African slaves in São Paulo in the seventeenth century, the settlers could not afford them in substantial numbers until the second half of the eighteenth century.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 57 , Issue 4 , April 2001 , pp. 497 - 524
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2001

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Footnotes

*

I would like to thank Bert Barickman, Peter Guardino, Hendrik Kray, Elizabeth Kuznesof, Linda Lewin, and two anonymous reviewers for their comments on previous versions of this paper. The opinions expressed here are my own. Funding for the research was provided by a Fulbright Area Research Grant, a fellowship from the Social Science Research Council and a fellowship from the National Endowment for the Humanities.

References

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3 In eighteenth-century Paulista censuses they are used interchangeably. In present-day Portuguese dictionaries, the word “pardo” is synonymous to the word “mulatto” and both are defined as a person with mixed white and black blood. Maria Beatriz Nizza da Silva shows the use of the word “pardo” for not only mulattoes but also for “mamelucos,”a term meaning Indian-European mestizo, in “A estrutura social” in Nizza Da Silva, Maria Beatriz, ed. O Impèrio Luso-brasileiro 1750–1822 (Lisbon: Estampa, 1986), p. 224.Google Scholar Alida Metcalf discusses the use of the term “pardo” for Indians in the early nineteenth century. (See Family and Frontier, p. 83.) Stuart Schwartz studies the process by which the various race mixtures of colonial Brazil came to be called “pardos,” in “Brazilian Ethnogenesis: Mestiços, Mamelucos, and Pardos,” in Gruzinski, Serge and Wachtel, Nathan, eds. Le Nouveau Monde, Mondes Nouveaux. L’eperience américaine (Paris: EHESS, 1996).Google Scholar Neither he nor Metcalf mentions “bastardos,” the Paulista name for Indian/white mixture, which I study here.

4 For a short summary of Paulista aldeia history in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Hemming, John, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), pp. 277–80.Google Scholar Also see Alden, Dauril, “Black Robes Versus White Settlers: The Struggle for ‘Freedom of the Indians’ in Colonial Brazil,” in Peckham, Howard and Gibson, Charles, eds. Attitudes of Colonial Powers Toward the American Indian (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969).Google Scholar

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7 For the categories the crown required: see Copia da Carta dirigida ao Bispo de S. Paulo sobre a Relaçào dos habitantes da Capitania, Lisbon, May 21, 1776 in Documentos Intéressantes para a història e costumes de São Paulo (hereafter called DI) 93 vols. (São Paulo: Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo, 1897–1980) Vol. 43, pp. 65–8.

8 In fact, some scholars argue that this reaction was not always the case and that race is a relatively new concept. For the argument that Greeks and Romans did not have the idea of race, see Hannaford, Ivan, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996).Google Scholar

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The problem with the 1455 Encyclical for slavers and conquerors alike was its implicit corollary that as soon as infidels become Christian, they could no longer be subjugated, for all Christians are equal in the eyes of God. To be able to continue the subjugation, other differentiating categories besides religion had to be developed.

15 For the use of these terms see Carneiro, M. Tucci, Preconceito Racial: Portugal e Brasil-Colônia (São Paulo, 1988), p. 235.Google Scholar See p. 187 for Pombal’s law of 1773 which prohibited the distinction between Old Christians and New Christians.

16 Anita Novais and Maria Luiza Tucci Carneiro, eds. Inquisição: Ensaios sobre mentalidade, here sias e arte (Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo: Expresào e Cultura, EDUSP, 1992). For a more general study of the influence of Iberian racism in the Americas, see Sweet, James H., “The Iberian Roots of American Racist Thought,” The William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 44:1 (January 1997).Google Scholar

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18 Boxer, Charles R., Race Relations in the Portuguese Empire (Oxford, 1963)Google Scholar; Carneiro, Preconceito Racial, esp. chap. 4.

19 Guilherme Pereira das Neves in his study of 954 clergymen found that 6.5 percent had received dispensations for manchas. See Neves, , E Receberá Mercè: A Mesa da Consciência e Ordens e o clero secular no Brasil 1808–1828 (Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Justiça/Arquivo Nacional, 1997) p. 201.Google Scholar

20 De Mello, Evaldo Cabrai, O nome e o sangue. Urna fraude genealógica no Pernambuco colonial (São Paulo, 1989).Google Scholar

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24 Monteiro, John, “From Indian to Slave: Forced Native Labour and Colonial Society in São Paulo during the Seventeenth Century,” in Slavery and Abolition 9:2 (1988), pp. 105–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “Celeiro do Brasil: escravidão indígena e a agricultura paulista no século XVII,” in Hisória 7:1–2 (1988). Also Nazzari, Muriel, “Transition Toward Slavery: Changing Legal Practice Regarding Indians in Seventeenth-Century São Paulo,” in The Americas 49:2 (October 1992), pp. 131–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25 There is extensive literature regarding the bandeiras organized by Paulistas to capture Indians. See Hemming, John, “Indians and the Frontier,” in Bethell, Leslie, ed. Colonial Brazil, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Morse, Richard M., The Bandeirantes: The Historical Role of the Brazilian Pathfinders (New York, 1965)Google Scholar; Taunay, Affonso de E., Hisória Geral das Bandeiras Paulistas (S.Paulo: Typ. Ideal, H.L. Canton, 1951) 11 volsGoogle Scholar. For commerce in seventeenth-century São Paulo, see Simonsen, Roberto, Hisória Econômica do Brasil (1500–1820) (São Paulo, 1978), pp. 215–19Google Scholar; French, John, “Riqueza, poder e mão-de-obra numa economia de subsistência: São Paulo, 1596–1625,” Revista do Arquivo Municipal 45:195 (1982).Google Scholar

26 de Mello, Cabrai, O Nome e o Sangue, p. 145.Google Scholar

27 For Portugal’s history in relation to the term negro, see Russell-Wood, A.J.R., “Before Columbus: Portugal’s African Prelude to the Middle Passage and Contribution to Discourse on Race and Slavery,” in Hyatt, Vera Lawrence and Nettleford, Rex, eds. Race, Discourse and the Origin of the Americas: A New World View (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1995).Google Scholar

28 Monteiro, John Manuel, Negros da terra: índios e bandeirantes nas orígens de São Paulo (SãoPaulo: Companhia das Letras, 1994).Google Scholar

29 Monteiro, John, “Os guaraní e a Hisória do Brasil Meridional, Séculos XVI-XVII,” in Da Cunha, Manuela Carneiro, ed., Hisória dos índios no Brasil (São Paulo: FAPESP/SMC, Companhia das Letras, 1992), p. 496.Google Scholar

30 Monteiro, , Negros da terra, p. 155.Google Scholar

31 Examples in Da Silva, Maria Beatriz Nizza, Sistema de casamento no Brasil colonial (São Paulo: T. A. Queiroz, 1984), pp. 17–8Google Scholar, and in numerous wills in Inventários e Testamentos 44 vols. (São Paulo: Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo, 1926–1975).

32 For the law allowing the inheritance of a filho natural, see De Almeida, Candido Mendes, ed. Codigo philippino ou ordenações do reino de Portugal, 14th ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Philomatico, 1870),Google Scholar Livro 4, Titulo 82, n. 5. Also see Lewin, Linda, “Natural and Spurious Children in Brazilian Inheritance Law from Colony to Empire: A Methodological Essay,” in The Americas 48:3 (January 1992), pp. 351–96.Google Scholar

33 Monteiro, , Negros da terra, p. 167.Google Scholar

34 Prado, Caio Jr., The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil, Trans. Macedo, Suzette (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 102.Google Scholar

35 Marcílio, Maria Luiza, “População e força de traballio em urna economia agrária em mudança. A Província de São Paulo, no final da Epoca Colonial,” in Revista de História, Universidade de São Paulo, (Nova Série), p. 114 (January-June, 1983), 27,Google Scholar and ,A Cidade de São Paulo, p. 129.

36 Alzira Lobo de, A. Campos studies the Paulista bastardos in “A configuração dos agregados como grupo social: marginalidade e peneiramento (o exemplo da cidade de São Paulo no séc. XVIII),” in Revista de Hisória (Nova Série) 117 (Julho-Dezembro, 1984).Google Scholar Historians who have subsequently mentioned the racial use of “bastardo”: De Mello e Souza, Laura, Desclassiftcados do ouro: A pobreza mineira no século XVIII 3rd ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Graal, 1990), p. 75 Google Scholar; Monteiro, , Negros da Terra, p. 167 Google Scholar; Dean, Warren, With Broadax and Firebrand: The Destruction of the Brazilian Atlantic Forest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), p. 70.Google Scholar

37 Revista do Instituto Historico e Geographico de São Paulo Voi. 34 (1938), p. 444.

38 Kruper, , “The Theory of the Plural Society,” p. 255.Google Scholar The eighteenth-century Scottish Historian, Robert Southey, found that in Pernambuco mamelucos were also viewed as better than mulattoes: “…they are finer in person than the Mulattoes, and of a more independent character; for though the Negro despises the Indian, the Mulatto looks toward his White relations with a sense of inferiority, as if the brand of bondage were upon his skin, but the Mamaluco has no such feeling.” Southey, Robert, History of Brazil (New York: Burt Franklin, 1970) Vol. 3, p. 787.Google Scholar

39 Taunay, Affonso de E., “Hisória da cidade de São Paulo no século XVIII, Primer tomo (1711–1720)” in Anais do Museu Paulista Vol. 5, p. 513.Google Scholar

40 This fact has long been accepted in the historiography on São Paulo. For an early reference see Southey, The History,vol. 3, p. 846. Also see Prado, Paulo, Paulística, história de São Paulo (Rio de Janeiro: Ariel Editora, 1934).Google Scholar

41 Saint Hilaire, Auguste, Segunda viagem a São Paulo e quadro histórico de São Paulo (São Paulo: Martins, 1953), p. 215.Google Scholar

42 Douglas Cope, R., The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660–1720 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994), p. 83.Google Scholar

43 Monteiro, , Negros da terra, pp. 216–18.Google Scholar

44 Paper presented at the meetings of the Brazilian Studies Association in Cambridge, England, September 11, 1996.

45 Arquivo da Cúria Metropolitana de São Paulo (hereafter ACMSP), Registro de Casamentos na Sé, Liv. 2 (1782–1794), fol. 2, 1782.

46 ACMSP, Casamentos, Santo Amaro, Livro # 04–01–38, fol. 52v, and 56v; also Livro #04–02–41, fol. 9.

47 Nazzari, Muriel, “A Study of Living Arrangements: Agregados in the Neighborhood of Santana, São Paulo, Brazil (1778–1825),” paper presented at the Third Carleton Conference on History of the Family, Ottowa, May 14–17, 1997.Google Scholar

48 Dean, , With Broadax, pp. 105–6.Google Scholar

49 Lobo de A. Campos, “A configuração dos agregados.”

50 The Carta Régia of 1798 finally removed (at least de jure) the power of aldeia directors over the inhabitants of aldeias. See da Cunha, Manuela Carneiro, “Política indigenista no século XIX,” in da Cunha, Manuela Carneiro, ed. Hisória dos índios no Brasil (São Paulo: FAPESP, Companhia das Letras, SMC, 1992), p. 147.Google Scholar

51 Monteiro, , Negros da terra, pp. 42–51.Google Scholar

52 Monteiro, , Negros da terra, pp. 141–49.Google Scholar

53 Perrone-Moisés, Beatriz, “Índios livres e índios escravos: Os princípios da legislação indigenista do período colonial (séculos XVI a XVIII)” in Cunha, Carneiro da, ed. Hisória dos índios, p. 120.Google Scholar For official desire to use aldeia Indians to repel foreign invaders and put down domestic rebellions, see Alden, Dauril, The Making of an Enterprise: The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire and Beyond, 1540–1750 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), p. 478.Google Scholar

54 Relação da gente q’ existe e mora nesta Aldeya de N. Snra. do Monsarrate dos Pinheyros, e dos q’ se achão fora della, Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo (hereafter AESP) Maços de População, No. de Ordem 31, c. 31, The list is not dated but internal evidence and the comparison with one of 1783, suggests that this list is of the late 1760s.

55 Relação que da o Diretor Ignacio Correa de Morais dos índios da aldeia dos Pinheiros do número, idades, e estados deles em 6 de agosto de 1783, AESP, Maços de População, No. de Ordem 31, c. 31.

56 DI, vol. 92, p. 110.

57 Ibid., p. 213.

58 For instance, a letter from the Morgado de Matheus in October, 1773 (DI Vol. 64, p. 156) and another from the new captain-general in April, 1777, talking about the lack of Indians in aldeias (DI Vol 78, p. 68).

59 Neves, , E Receberá Mercá, p. 225.Google Scholar

60 DI, Vol. 78, pp. 63, 69, 75, 92. Also see Vol. 78, pp. 19 and 123–4, and Vol. 64, pp. 61–2, for later references to Indian porters from the aldeias.

61 For a letter from General Martim Lopes Lobo de Saldanha to the director of the aldeia de Escada in 1781 ordering that the Indians of the aldeia working on the road not be asked to do anything else but care for their own plots, see DI, vol. 83, p. 133.

62 “Orçamento dos Rendimentos Annuais desta Monarquia, feito em Janeiro de 1776,” Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Conselho de Guerra, Secretaria de Estado da Guerra, Freguesias de Portugal, Livro No. de ordem 279.

63 da Cunha, Carneiro, “Política indigenista,” p. 147.Google Scholar

64 DI, Vol. 44, pp. 198–9. To solve the labor problem, he suggested that persons who needed laborers contract with aldeia Indians and pay them wages. He also suggested aldeia Indians be used for public works and paid wages, instead of the present custom of renting African slaves from their owners.

65 For instance, a letter from the crown to Colonel José Arouche de Toledo, dated Aug. 20, 1798, asking him to investigate the deplorable state of aldeias (DI Vol. 87, p. 100).

66 Leandro Coitinho do Amarai, ACMSP Livro de Casamento de Santo Amaro, fol. 181.

67 AESP, Maços de população, Capital, Bairro de Santana, for the years of 1765, 1778, 1779, 1780, 1783, 1787, 1795, 1796, 1798, 1802, 1807, 1816, 1825.

68 Mendes Torres, Maria Celestina Teixeira, O bairro de Santana (São Paulo, 1970), p. 17.Google Scholar

69 Kuznesof, Elizabeth, “The Role of the Female-Headed Household in Brazilian Modernization: São Paulo, 1765 to 1836,” Journal of Social History 13:4 (June 1980), pp. 589–613.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

70 This attitude was similar to the Brazilian state two hundred years later: the 1970 Brazilian national census collected no data regarding race. See Skidmore, Thomas, “Racial ideas and Social Policy in Brazil, 1870–1940,” in Graham, Richard, ed. The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870–1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), p. 27.Google Scholar The revolutionary government of Cuba has also had an explicit policy to not classify people by race in censuses or other official documents.

71 Antonio Manoel de Mello Castro e Mendonça to Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, S. Paulo, Aprii 19, 1798, in DI Voi 29, p. 60. He stated that he was sending the results “divided into three more classes than had previously been practiced,” that is, the three new race groups required. The preceding letter sending census results to the Secretary of State, dated August 17 of 1797, stated that they were divided into the “ten classes established until then,” that is, ten age groups. DI, Vol 29, pp. 4–5.

72 Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho to Bernardo Jozé de Lorena, Lisbon, September 14, 1796. DI, Vol. 46, p. 487.

73 The directives were written September 14, only one week after his nomination as “Ministro e Secretano da Repartiçào da Marinha e do Ultramar” by the prince regent. (The text of his nomination is found in Arquivo Nacional da Tone do Tombo in Lisbon, Ministério do Reino, Registro de oficíos do Conselho Ultramarino, Div. 4, classe 2, no. 2, livro 179, fol. 31.) By the last third of the eighteenth century, most of the power in relation to the colonies was no longer in the hands of the Conselho Ultramarino but in those of the Secretary of State.

74 Comment in the entry for Rodrigo Domingos de Souza Coutinho Teixeira de Andrade Barbosa found in the Grande enciclopédia portuguesa e brasileira (Lisbon and Rio de Janeiro: Editorial Enciclopédia Limitada, 1945).

75 “Discurso sobre a verdadeira Influencia das Minas dos Metaes preciozos na Industria das Nações que as possuem, e especialmente da Portugueza,” in Memorias Economicas da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa para o adiantamento da agricultura, das artes e da industria em Portugal e suas conquistas (Lisboa: Officina da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1789) Vol. 1.

76 For instance, Martinho de Mello e Castro, Portuguese Secretary of State, to Martim Lopes Lobo de Saldanha, captain general of São Paulo, Lisbon, May 21, 1776, DI, Vol. 43, pp. 65–8.

77 Most of the correspondence of this governor was related to his intense recruiting efforts for the regular army. When he spoke about recruiting among all races, he sometimes did not mention bastardos at all, just spoke of “brancos, mulatos e negros forros.” (See DI, Vol. 78, 1777, pp. 11, 14, 15.) Other times he called them “administrados.” (See DI, Vol. 74, correspondence of 1775, pp. 81–2; Vol. 78, 1777, p. 13, and Vol. 81, 1781, pp. 80, 130.) In other instances he used the term bastardo. (See DI, Vol. 74, 1775, p. 67; Vol. 78, 1777, pp. 21, 25, 39, 45.)

78 Fernandes, Florestan, The Negro in Brazilian Society, translated by Skiles, J.D., Brunei, A., and Rothwell, A. (New York: Atheneum, 1971), p. 9.Google Scholar

79 Kuznesof, Elizabeth, “Sexual Politics, Race and Bastard-Bearing in Nineteenth-Century Brazil: A Question of Culture or Power?” in Journal of Family History 16:3 (1991), pp. 241–260.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

80 In an article dealing with the results of a 1987 IBGE survey, “pardo” is defined as “categoria em que estão incluídos os mestiços, cafusos, índios e todas as nuances de cor que existem entre o tipo europeu e o tipo africano.” See “As cores do Brasil,” Veja (May 30, 1990), p. 40.1 thank Bert Barickman for this reference.

81 See Guillaumin, , Racism, p. 31.Google Scholar

82 For examples of such processes, see Seed, “The Social.”

83 This is an exception to Bob McCaa’s conclusion that most racial drifting in marriage happens downward. “Calidad, Clase, and Marriage in Colonial Mexico: The Case of Parral, 1788–1790,” Hispanic American Historical Review 64:3 (1984), pp. 477–501.