¹ Shakespeare, William, Pericles, Ed. by Maxwell, J. C. (Cambridge, 1956), p. 77.Google Scholar For a description and analysis of Shakespeare’s Marina, see Lewes, Louis, The Women of Shakespeare (New York, 1895), pp. 89–99.Google Scholar

² The derivation of the name “Malinche” can be found in Icazbalceta’s, Joaquín García Obras, (New York, 1897/1968), pp. 15–15.Google Scholar In the History of the Conquest of Mexico, William H. Prescott notes that Malinche is a corruption of the Aztec word “Malintzin” which is itself a corruption of the Spanish name Marina. The Aztecs had no letter “r” in their alphabet, so they substituted the letter “l” for it, added “tzin” as a sign of respect. Thus Malintzin was equivalent to Doña Marina, Malinche’s Christian name after she was baptized. Ernst Shäfer includes the names Martina and Mariana as name variants for Malinche in his Indice and Jaramillo, Marina de is in the British Museum: General Catalogue of Printed Books (London, 1962), CXV, p. 139.Google Scholar

³ An excellent secondary source which cites several references to Cortés by the names “Malinche” and “Malintzin” can be found in Madariaga, Salvador de, Hernán Cortés (New York, 1941).Google Scholar

⁴ Padden, Robert, The Hummingbird and the Hawk, (New York, 1967), p. 290.Google Scholar In his stimulating and provocative study, Dr. Padden fully recognizes Malinche’s crucial role as a diplomat in the Conquest—her ability to communicate between Cortés and Montezuma should not be underestimated.

⁵ Long, Haniel, Malinche (Doña Marina), (Santa Fe, 1939), p. 13.Google Scholar In this vignette, Malinche eloquently states: “I am helping Cortés destroy my land, and kill and torture my people. But if I do not help him, my land will destroy Cortés. I have had to choose. I give my life to Cortés.… Later I shall be justified. But who knows how much later?” (p. 30). Even today this question remains unanswered as Malinche’s place in Mexican history continues along a dichotomous path of admiration and scorn.

⁶ Shäfer, Ernst, Indice de la colección de documentos inéditos de Indias, (Madrid, 1946–1947), 2 vols.; Colección de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento conquista y colonización de las posesiones españoles en América y Oceania. (Madrid, 1864–1884), 42 vols.Google Scholar CDA and CDU (1st series and 2nd series). Ernst Shäfer’s meticulous and painstaking indexing of the over 3,000 documents in the CDA and CDU cannot be underestimated. His two volume Indice is invaluable for students undertaking research in colonial Latin American history.

⁷ Cuevas, Mariano, ed., Cartas y otros documentos de Hernán Cortés, (Seville, 1915);Google Scholar Granados, Rafael García, Diccionario biográfico de historia antigua de Méjico (Méjico, 1953), vol. III of 3.Google Scholar

⁸ Shäfer, , Indice, vol. I, pp. 298–299.Google Scholar

⁹ Ibid., vol. II, p. 339.

¹⁰ Colección de documentos inéditos (CDA) I (Vol. XLI, 1884), p. 188. This document involves a case of property rights and the rights of descendants of Indians to inherit land after the death of an encomendero. María Jaramillo, legitimate daughter of Juan Jaramillo and Malinche, bases her case on property rights to Xilotepeque upon the great service her Indian mother performed for the Spanish Crown at the time of the Conquest. Though the decision in the case does not appear in the records, some settlement of the suit must have been reached. In 1560, Jaramillo’s second wife, Andrada, Beatriz de, possessed one half of the encomienda of Xilotepeque according to a letter in the Paso y Troncoso collection, Epistolario de Nueva España, 1505–1818, (México, 1939–1942), vol. XVI, 218–227.Google Scholar Included in the list of encomiendas is a reference to Jaramillo and Beatriz de Andrada: “La Provincia de Xilotepeque fue encomendada en Juan Jaramillo, conquistador, por cuya muerte sucedió en la mitad doña Beatriz de Andrada, su mujer, que después casó don Francisco Velasco….”

¹¹ Shäfer, , Indice, vol. II, p. 237.Google Scholar

¹² Collección de documentos inéditos (CDA), I, vol. XLI (1879), 444–448.Google Scholar

¹³ Cuevas, , ed., Cartas y otros documentos de Hernán Cortés, pp. 289–294.Google Scholar This particular document not only contains testimony relevant to Malinche but there is a good deal of information on Don Martin, natural son of Cortés and Malinche.

¹⁴ The two documents found by Cuevas are summarized by him as: “Escrito de Hernán Cortés por procurador para ante la Audiencia de Nueva España-Mexico 18 de Noviembre de 1532” in Cartas y otros documentos, pp. 91–92. The second document is annotated as: ‘Hernán Cortés, por procuradores, suplica en forma ante su majestad en su real audiencia, de una cédula dada en favor de Doña Marina, Mexico 22 de Noviembre de 1532,” Ibid., pp. 93–99.

¹⁵ In Troncoso, Paso y, Epistolario de Nueva España, 1505–1818 vol. III, p. 28 Google Scholar, there is an explanation for the land transfer negotiation which also suggests the administrative difficulties in New Spain’s government in the early post-Conquest period. For a more comprehensive examination of these machinations in post-Conquest society, see Madariaga, Salvador de, Hernán Cortés, Chapters 29 and 30.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Juan Jaramillo became decidedly important in my attempt to establish separate identities for the two Marinas. Wagner’s, Henry The Rise of Fernando Cortes (Berkeley, Calif., 1944)Google Scholar provides an excellent chapter on Doña Marina (Malinche). In Chapter V, Wagner writes that “Jaramillo died about 1547 after having married again in 1532” (p. 74). Jaramillo was one of the more prominent conquistadores and in post-Conquest society, he enjoyed considerable prestige. It is surprising that no one has written a biography of his life. One is reminded of the interesting study of a lesser known conquistador, Martin López, and the stimulating manner in which Gardiner, C. Harvey described the Conquest of Mexico from the viewpoint of its participant in Mártin López, Conquistador Citizen of Mexico (Lexington, 1958).Google Scholar There appeares to be ample material to do a similar study on Malinche’s husband, Juan Jaramillo.

¹⁷ Cuevas, , ed., Cartas y otros documentos de Hernán Cortés, p. 332.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Granados, García, Diccionario biográfico, vol. III, pp. 123–134.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ibid., p. 133.

²⁰ Madariaga, Salvador de, Hernán Cortés (New York, 1941).Google Scholar

²¹ Ibid., p. 528, footnote 16.

²² Wagner, Henry, The Rise of Fernando Cortes, (Berkeley, California, 1944).Google Scholar

²³ Ibid., p. 433.

²⁴ Ibid., p. 530, footnote 16.

²⁵ Bowman, Peter Boyd, Indice geobiográfico de cuarenta mil pobladores españoles de América en el siglo XVI. Tomo I, 1493–1519 (Bogotá, 1964); Tomo II, 1520–1539 (México, 1968).Google Scholar

²⁶ Ibid., Tomo II, p. 108.

²⁷ Wagner, , The Rise of Fernando Cortes, p. 73. The primary source is: Documentos para la historia de México, (México, 1852–1853), I of 2, p. 160.Google Scholar

²⁸ In Obras, vol. IV, pp. 10–11, García Icazbalceta notes that on March 14, 1528 Malinche and Jaramillo were given land at Chapultepec, that on July 20, 1528 the couple received a garden plot that had formerly belonged to Montezuma. After 1528 many writers, including García Icazbalceta, argue that there are no further notices or news regarding Malinche. There is reason to believe that she ended her life in Mexico a wealthy and highly regarded individual.

²⁹ Kruger, Hilde, Malinche, or Farewell to Myths (New York, 1948).Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid., p. 45.

³¹ There are several literary works on Malinche. Unfortunately, most are highly exaggerated and romanticized accounts of the Conquest and Malinche’s relationship with Cortés. The following are suggestions for those interested in various aspects of Malinche’s life and legend: Baron, Alexander, The Golden Princess (New York, 1954);Google Scholar Orozco, Federico Gomez de, Doña Marina, la dama de la conquista (México, 1942)Google Scholar, a very good historical narrative, documented with chapter footnotes by a noted author who is a descendant of Malinche and Ruiz, Cortés; Felipe Gz., Doña Marina (La india que amo a Hernán Cortés), (Madrid, 1945)Google Scholar, which stresses Malinche’s keen insights and intelligence; Castillejo, Federico Fernandez de, El amor en la conquista: Malintzin, (Buenos Aires, 1943)Google Scholar, which considers Malinche as the feminine personification of love in the Conquest. He does not believe Malinche to be a betrayer of the Indian civilization, but feels that she must have thought she was saving “la raza” in the fusion of the Indian and Spanish civilizations which resulted in the birth of mestizaje; Haniel Long, Doña Marina (Santa Fe, 1939), an excellent literary piece; Rodriguez, Gustavo A., Doña Marina (México, 1935)Google Scholar, an historical monograph which discusses Malinche’s name, birthplace, life before and after the Conquest and the legend of Malinche; Paz, Ireneo, Amor y suplicio (México, 1873) and Doña Marina (México, 1883)Google Scholar, which is Paz’s emotional account of the Conquest. Though the main characters, Cortés and Malinche, are highly exaggerated, Paz’s writing serves as an example of late nineteenth century writing in Mexico and is interesting when viewed in this perspective; Paz, Octavio, The Labyrinth of Solitude (New York, 1961)Google Scholar, which is a series of provocative essays. For that which relates to Malinche, see, “The Sons of La Malinche”; Kruger, Hilde, Malinche; or, Farewell to Myths (New York, 1948)Google Scholar which is philosophical in tone and interestingly conceived; Saldana, Nancy, “La Malinche: her representation in dances of Mexico and the United States,” Ethnomusicology, X:III (1966), pp. 298–309 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which is a study of the “Malinche,” female figures in many dances in Mexico and their relationship to Cortés.

³² Wagner, , The Rise of Fernando Cortes, p. 433.Google Scholar