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Institutionalized Corruption in the Letrado Bureaucracy. The Case of Pedro Farfán (1568-1588)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Stafford Poole
Stafford Poole*
Affiliation:
Saint John's College, Camarillo, California
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Extract

The growth of the Spanish Empire and its governmental machinery in the sixteenth century created a demand for letrados, a uniquely Spanish form of civil servant. They were men who came mostly from the impoverished lower nobility and who were trained in law as preparation for serving in the burgeoning bureaucracy. Law, whether canon or civil, offered a young man in sixteenth century Spain entry into well-paying, secure and prestigious jobs in church and state. Doctores and licenciados (the holders of the highest professional degrees) from Salamanca, Valladolid, Alcalá de Henares and other universities could be found all over the New World where they held positions as magistrates, judges, bishops, canons, university professors and town councilmen. They constituted both an administrative elite and a class unto themselves. In the latter half of the sixteenth century the demand for letrados was increased by the growing insularity of the Spaniards themselves — away from the more cosmopolitan Flemish and European orientation of the days of Charles V and toward an hispanization of the civil service.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 38 , Issue 2 , October 1981 , pp. 149 - 171
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1981

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References

1 Two basic works for the study of the letrado hierarchy are Kagan, Richard, Students and Society in Early Modern Spain (Baltimore, 1974)Google Scholar, and Phelan, John Leddy, The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Century (Madison, 1967).Google Scholar

2 This description of Salamanca as a kind of military training ground for letrados was given to the author by Don José de la Peña Cámara. On the universities as letrado training centers, see Kagan, Students and Society, especially chapters 4 to 6.

3 Phelan’s The Kingdom of Quito, with its emphasis on the bureaucracy as incarnated in individuals, is the only work to attempt this so far.

4 Phelan, The Kingdom of Quito, chapter 7, throughout.

5 The early life of Pedro Farfán has been extensively treated by Rodríguez, Agueda María O.P., in the article, “Pedro Farfán,” Revista de Indias, (julic-diciembre, 1971),pp. 221–309 Google Scholar. Unfortunately the article is quite inadequate in dealing with his career after Salamanca, to such an extent that most of its later conclusions are demonstrably erroneous.

6 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” pp. 224–228, 236.Google Scholar

7 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” p. 243 Google Scholar. The Codex and Instituta were two of the five books of the Corpus Iuris Civilis, popularly known as Justinian’s Code.

8 Some data on Ovando, always distressingly vague, can be found in de Vergera, Ruiz y Alava, , Vida del Ilustrisimo Señor Don Diego de Anaya Maldonado, Arzobispo de Sevilla, fundador del Colegio Viejo de S. Bartolome y noticia de sus varones excelentes, dedicala a la Mag. del Rey D. Felipe IV (Madrid, n.d.), f. 2 Google Scholar, p. 233. de la Espada, Marcos Jiménez, Relaciones geográficas de Indias, 4 vols. (Madrid, 1881), I, pp. lviii-lxxviii.Google Scholar. Quesada, Juan Martínez, “Documentación de la capellanía y enterramiento del Presidente Don Juan de Ovando,” Revista de estudios extremeños, 14, 1958, pp. 145–158 Google Scholar. Lovett, A.W., “Juan de Ovando and the Council of Finance (1573–1575),” The Historical Journal 15, 1,(1972), pp. 1–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 The story is recounted in Menéndez, Marcelino y Pelayo, , Historia de los heterodoxos españoles, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1956), II, pp. 75–84. He gives the name as Francisco Ovando.Google Scholar

10 This appointment is mentioned in a letter of Pedro Moya de Contreras to Ovando, from Mexico, March 24, 1575, in del Paso, Francisco y Troncoso, , Epistolario de Nueva España, 16 vols. (Mexico, 1939–1942), XI, p. 253. Varying dates are given to Ovando's death but there is agreement that it was in September of 1575.Google Scholar

11 Vergera y Alava, Vida, passim. Kagan, , Students and Society, pp. 89 Google Scholar, 99, and chapter 7 throughout. Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” pp. 249–264.Google Scholar

12 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” pp. 263–265.Google Scholar

13 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” pp. 265–268 Google Scholar. There is also the possibility that Farfán did not meet the requirements for being poor. There is conflicting evidence as to his financial condition at the time. The ordinary time for the doctorate was seven to eight years and the ordinary age of reception about thirty-five. Cf. Kagan, , Students and Society, pp. 125 and 202.Google Scholar

14 Kagan, , Students and Society, p. 111.Google Scholar

15 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” pp. 277–278.Google Scholar

16 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” p. 278.Google Scholar

17 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” pp. 282–283.Google Scholar

18 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” pp. 279–281 Google Scholar. Mendoza, Vicente T., Vida y costumbres de la Universidad de México (Mexico, 1951), p. 25 Google Scholar. Carreño, Alberto María, La Real y Pontificia Universidad de México (1536–1865), (Mexico, 1961), pp. 68–73.Google Scholar

19 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” p. 283 Google Scholar. Carreño, , La Universidad, pp. 71, 89–95, 125–126.Google Scholar

20 Carreño, , La Universidad, pp. 73, 125–126.Google Scholar

21 On the basic functions of the audiencia, see Phelan, , The Kingdom of Quito, pp. 119–128 Google Scholar. According to Schäfer, Ernst, El Consejo Real y Supremo de las Indias, 2 vols. (Seville, 1935–1947), II, pp. 452–453 Google Scholar, the oidores during Farfán's term were: Pedro de Villalobos (1556–1572); Vasco de Puga (1557–1572; 1575–?); Jerónimo de Orozco (1557–1572); Luis de Villanueva Zapata, the elder (1560–1572); Lope de Miranda (1572–1582); Francisco de Sande (1572–1574); Valdés de Cárcamo (1572–1578); Mateo de Arévalo y Sedeño (1573–?); Céspedes de Cárdenas (1574–?); Juan Bautista Orozco (1578–1579); Pedro Sánchez de Paredes (1578–1586); Hernando de Robles (1580–1586); Alonso de Castilla (1580–1581); and Saavedra Valderrama (1585). Since Schäfer worked exclusively with documents in Spain, his names and dates are not always accurate. He says that Villanueva Zapata served from 1582 until 1591, although it is certain that he died in 1583. Cf. Moya de Contreras to Philip II, October 26, 1583, Archivo General de Indias (hereinafter cited as AGI), Méjico, leg. 336. Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877), p. 229. It is also certain that Saavedra Valderrama never served in New Spain. Schäfer does not mention García de Palacio who definitely was an oidor. The Dr. Mendizábal who was appointed with Farfán never left Spain.

22 The source of the following comments is the charges brought against the oidores in the visita of 1583–1586 and of which they were found guilty. AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 1180.

23 Martín Enríquez, a pivotal figure in the development of the viceregal office and the early history of Spanish government in New Spain, has not yet received the study he deserves.

24 Information on Pedro Moya de Contreras can be found in de Luna, Cristóbal Gutiérrez, Vida y heroicas virtudes del Doctor Don Pedro Moya de Contreras, Arzobispo Mexicano (Mexico, 1619)Google Scholar, which has been reprinted in Cinco cartas del Illmo, y Exmo. Señor Don Pedro Moya de Contreras, Arzobispo- Virrey y Primer Inquisidor de la Nueva España, precedidas de la historia de su vida según Cristóbal Gutiérrez de Luna y Francisco Sosa (Madrid, 1962). Rueda, Julio Jiménez, Don Pedro Moya de Contreras, primer inquisidor de México (Mexico, 1944).Google Scholar

25 See his letters of March 24, 1574; September 1, 1574; December 20, 1574, in Paso, y Troncoso, , Epistolario, 11, pp. 137–145 Google Scholar; 180–199; 213–233; and January 24, 1575, in Cinco cartas, p. 160ff. Unless otherwise indicated, all of Moya de Contreras letters were written from Mexico City.

26 A good summary of the episode can be found in Rueda, Jiménez, Moya de Contreras, pp. 107–114 Google Scholar, and Leonard, Irving, Books of the Brave, (New York, 1964), pp. 194–197 Google Scholar. Cf. also Moya de Contreras to Juan de Ovando, December 12, 1574, Paso, y Troncoso, , Spistolario, 11, pp. 228–229 Google Scholar, and Martín Enríquez to Ovando, December 9,1574, in Cuevas, Maríano, S.J., Documentos inéditos del siglo XVI para la historia de México (Mexico, 1914), pp. 308–309.Google Scholar

27 de Peralta, Juan Suárez, Tratado del descubrimiento de las Indias (Noticias históricas de Nueva España) (Mexico, 1949), p. 169.Google Scholar

28 Schäfer, , El Consejo, 2 p. 122.Google Scholar

29 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” p. 287 Google Scholar, says that the marriage must have taken place almost immediately after his arrival in New Spain because his son, Pedro Farfán de los Godos, was old enough to be married in 1588. As will be seen, the boy was only eight in 1585.

30 This was one of the charges of which he was found guilty in the visita. AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 1180. Jerónima Infante was the daughter of Juan Infante and Catalina Samaniego, who had been married in Spain about the year 1538. Juan Infante was mentioned in the New Laws as one of the encomenderos who had an excessive number of Indians. Despite the ruling of the laws he was not deprived of them. He laid claim to encomienda over several towns around the shores and on the islands of Lake Pátzcuaro and carried on a lengthy litigation with Vasco de Quiroga over them. After his death the suits were continued by his son Juan Infante the younger. This would account for Farfán's interest and involvement in the Pátzcuaro area. Cf. Warren, Fintan, Vasco de Quiroga and his Pueblo-Hospitals of Santa Fe (Washington, D.C., 1963), pp. 90, 102.Google Scholar

31 On Sánchez Farfán, see Gerhard, Peter, Historical Atlas of New Spain (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 92 and 294Google Scholar; Warren, , Vasco de Quiroga, p. 76 Google Scholar; Memorial de los hijos de conquistadores de esta Nueva Espana, 1590, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, Mexican Manuscript 158.

32 Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” p. 235 Google Scholar. AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 271.

33 All the material in the following paragraphs is taken from the charges of which Farfán was found guilty by the Council of the Indies. AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 1180.

34 The pardon was dated February 17,1582, and can be found in AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 271.

35 Charge 101 in the visita, of which Farfán was found guilty, lists eight citizens of Mexico who were creditors of his. AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 1180.

36 Ibid.

37 Moya de Contreras to Juan de Ovando, January 24, 1575, in Cinco cartas, p. 106. Ronquillo was an ally of Farfán's and later became the governor of the Philippines.

38 By the end of 1585 the visitador had succeeded in collecting more than 34,000 pesos that were owed to the juzgado. However, as of June 4, 1586, more than 62,000 pesos were still outstanding. AGI, Contaduría, leg. 692.

39 AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 1180.

40 Irigoyen was deeply involved in the frauds uncovered in the office of the treasury officials of New Spain. For some years Farfán had been helping him to keep the books.

41 Castilla came out of the visita relatively unscathed. However, he was of a higher social class than Farfán. AGI, Escríbanlas de cámara, leg. 1180.

42 Philip II to Moya de Contreras, from Aranjuez, May 22, 1579, and from Badajoz, June 17, 1580, in the H. P. Kraus Collection, ñ97 and 98.

43 Francisco de Villafañe, a member of the Council of the Indies, and not Moya de Contreras, was the first choice as visitador. His commissions, of which copies were given to Moya, can be found in AGI, Indiferente general, leg. 524. Moya’s cédulas can be found in the same legajo. Cf. also Carreño, Alberto María, Un desconocido cedulario del siglo XVI perteneciente a la cetedral metropolitana de México (Mexico, 1944), pp. 440–443 Google Scholar. For a brief account of the visita, see my article, “La visita de Moya de Contreras,” Memoria del Segundo Congreso Venezolano de Historia, 3 vols. (Caracas, 1975), 2, pp. 417–441.Google Scholar

44 Moya de Contreras to Philip II, November 1,1583, AGI, Méjico, leg. 336. Philip II to Moya de Contreras, from Madrid, February 19, 1584, AGI, Indiferente general, leg 524.

45 Moya de Contreras to Philip II, December 14, 1583, AGI, Méjico, leg. 336.

46 Moya de Contreras to Philip II, May 8, 1584, AGI, Méjico, leg. 336.

47 See my article, “Opposition to the Third Mexican Council,” The Americas, XXV (October, 1968), pp. 111–159. On the case of Villanueva Zapata, see Carreño, , La Universidad, pp. 98–99.Google Scholar

48 Moya de Contreras to Philip II, February 24, 1586, AGI, Méjico, leg. 336. Marques de Villamanrique to Philip II, May 10, 1586, AGI, Méjico, leg. 20. Eugenio de Salazar, fiscal of the audiencia, to Philip II, May 20, 1586, AGI, Méjico, leg. 10.

49 Since his arrival in New Spain Moya de Contreras had feuded with the Franciscans over almost every conceivable issue. He has also sided with Alonso Ponce in the latter’s battle with the criollo faction among the Franciscans. The signers of this letter — Pedro de San Sebastián, Rodrigo de los Olivos, Francisco Vásquez, Pedro Oroz, Pedro de Requeñas, and Bernardino de Sahagún — were all “sons of the Province,” that is, criollos or those who identified with the criollos.

50 Summary of the meeting between Moya de Contreras and Villamanrique at Chapultepec, December 28, 1585, and Villamanrique to Philip II, May 10, 1586, both in AGI, Méjico, leg. 20. Villamanrique to Philip II, May 20, 1586, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (hereinafter cited as AHN), Documentos de Indias, #265. This latter also contains an account of the first dispute at Chapultepec.

51 Letter of May 20, 1586, AHN, Documentos de Indias, #265.

52 Materials on this episode can be found in AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 163, and Schäfer, , El Consejo, 2, p. 57 Google Scholar, n. 158, and p. 452.

53 The charges and sentences are in AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 1180. Farfán’s rebuttals are in leg. 271. Consejo de Indias, consulta of March 3, 1588, AGI, Méjico, leg 74.

54 AGI, Escribanías de cámara, leg. 1180.

55 There are two sources for this, Schäfer, , El Consejo, 2, pp. 542 Google Scholar and 481, and Vergara, y Alava, , Vida, pp. 239–240 Google Scholar. Schäfer gives two different dates for the appointment, January 21 and January 27, 1594. Neither of these sources is entirely reliable as far as dates are concerned. In view of the cloud that Farfán was under, it may be reasonable to doubt that he actually received the appointment but the present state of research does not permit any final answer on the point. Pedro Farfán de los Godos was alcalde mayor of San Salvador from 1613 to 1618. Rodríguez, , “Pedro Farfán,” p. 218 Google Scholar, refers to certain reprehensible actions (not named) of the younger Farfán and adds, “the son seems not to have imitated the good example of his father.” More than likely he imitated his father all too well.

56 Phelan, , The Kingdom of Quito, p. 124.Google Scholar