¹ Archivo Histórico de la Ciudad de Pátzcuaro, leg. 76–C, 1830–39, “Protocolo de 1831,” exp. 2.

² “Declaro dever una cantidad de pesos al Sr. D. Ramón Huarte que ignora cuanto sea y suministró para alimentar mi familia en el tiempo que estuve separado de ella.” He goes on to request that if the Nation ever saw fit to pay him his salary as a Brigadier General from January 1830 to May 1831 when he was captured, Huarte should be repaid from this amount.

³ El Sol, 3 May 1830; El Sol, 28 December 1829; El Sol, 29 December 1829; El Sol, 3 January 1830. There is no doubt that the Ramón Huarte who supported Codallos’ family during the war is the same Ramón Huarte whose sister was married to Iturbide. The parish records of the Sagrario Metropolitano in Morelia contain notices of births of daughters in 1808 and 1810 to Ramón Huarte and Josefa Domínguez, and the 1808 birth notes the names of the grandparents, including on the paternal side Isidro Huarte, Regidor Alcalde Provincial of Valladolid, and on the maternal side Francisco de Paula Domínguez and Josefa García Montero. Further investigation turned up a record of the 1795 birth in Córdoba of Dolores Domínguez (the name of the woman Codallos married) to Francisco Domínguez and Josefa García Montero. Thus there is no doubt that Josefa Domínguez and Dolores Domínguez were sisters, and that they married, respectively, Ramón Huarte and Juan José Codallos. Archivo de la Iglesia Parroquial de la Inmaculada Concepción, Córdoba, Veracruz, vol. 11, 1793–98, “Bautismos de españoles y demás gente de razón desde el 3 de septiembre de 1793 hasta el 30 de abril de 1798,” 4 julio 1795 (birth of María Dolores Isabel Domínguez García; consulted on microfilm from the archives of the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints, roll no. 640037); Archivo Parroquial del Sagrario Metropolitano, Arzobispado de Morelia (hereafter APSMM), “Bautismo de hijos legítimos.” Vol. 47, años 1802–07, 29 septiembre 1808 (birth of María Josefa Ramona Simona Micaela Huarte Domínguez).

⁴ E.g. Zavala, Lorenzo de, Ensayo histórico de las revoluciones de Méjico desde 1808 hasta 1830 (New York, 1832), 2:283;Google Scholar Palacio, Vicente Riva, México a través de los siglos: historia general y completa del desenvolvimiento social, político, religioso, militar, artístico, científico y literario de México desde la antigüedad más remota hasta la época actual (Barcelona, 1887 Google Scholar–1889), 4:285; Flores, Jesús Romero, Comentarios a la historia de México, 1821–1861 (Mexico, 1958), pp. 71–72.Google Scholar

⁵ Olveda, Jaime, Gordiano Guzmán, un cacique del siglo XIX (Mexico, 1980), p. 121.Google Scholar

⁶ El Sol, 26 September 1830; El Sol 10 June 1831; El Michoacano Libre, 10 October 1830, quoted in Olveda, Gordiano Guzmán, p. 134.

⁷ El Sol, 8 November 1830. “Estenuado hasta la consumción, él lleva en su persona la imagen descarnada del centinela que vió Telemaco al pie del trono de Plutón: sus ojos centellantes huyen a esconderse en lo mas profundo del casco, y su boca amenaguante no da otros sonidos que amagos de muerte; su cuna esta en la Africa: nada tiene de la amabilidad que constituye el caracter atractivo del dulce americano: su genio es el contraste mas completo.” It is interesting to note the echo of Fray Servando Teresa de Mier’s comment that republican government was best suited to the Mexican “genius and character, which is as docile, light, vivacious, sweet and benign as our climate.” Quoted in Brading, D.A., The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State (Cambridge, 1991), p. 598.Google Scholar

⁸ El Sol, 19 November 1830. “Con quienes habla vd., con los mexicanos, o con los canarios?”

⁹ Margaret Chowning, “Combining Business and Kinship: Patterns of Inheritance and Formation of Family Empires in Nineteenth-Century Michoacán,” paper read at the American Historical Association convention, 1984.

¹⁰ Arriaga, Gabriel Ibarrola, Familias y casas de la vieja Valladolid (Morelia, 1969), p. 190.Google Scholar Neither Isidro Huarte’s 1810 will nor his 1824 will mention his son’s marriage to Josefa Domínguez, though it must have taken place before 1808, when the first of their two daughers was born; but this does not necessarily mean anything, since the names of the spouses of male children were frequently omitted in parents’ wills. The hijuela de division of Isidro’s estate also does not mention any granddaughters or daughters-in-law. Ramón’s own will, unfortunately, has not been found, but his brother Isidro’s 1843 will, while mentioning by name the children of his other siblings, mentions only Ramón as a legatee. Of course it is certainly possible that Ramón’s daughters had died by this time. Archivo de Notarías de Morelia (hereafter ANM), Aguilar, 1810, 5 October; Aguilar, 1824, 25 April; Archivo Histórico Municipal de Morelia (hereafter AHMM), uncatalogued documents regarding the estate of Isidro Huarte, especially “Quaderno 2, Compromiso hecho por los Ynteresados a la Testamentaria del finado D. Isidro Huarte …” 24 Sept. de 1825;” ANM, García, 1843, n.d. (follows 4 April).

¹¹ El Sol, 19 November 1830.

¹² Along with another aunt (Francisca Huarte), Carmen Codallos de Beltrán (m. Lic. Miguel Beltrán), Guadalupe Codallos, Dolores Codallos, and Juan José Codallos were heirs of their aunt, Josefa Domínguez, Ramón Huarte's widow, in 1850, when a house belonging to Josefa was sold. All were residents of Mexico City at that time. ANM, Salomo, 23 March 1850.

¹³ For Havana birth, Miquel i Verges, , Diccionario de Insurgentes (Mexico, 1969), p. 139;Google Scholar for Trinidad birth, Anon, ., Jefes del ejército mexicano en 1847. Biografías de generales de división y del brígada y de coroneles del ejercito mexicano por fines del año de 1847, Carreño, Alberto María, ed. (Mexico, 1914), p. 32;Google Scholar Diccionario Porrua de historia, biografía y geografía de México (Mexico, 1986); Quintanar, Andrés León, Diccionario enciclopédico de México (Mexico, 1989), p. 359;Google Scholar and Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional, Archivo Histórico Militar Mexicano, La correspondencia de Agustín de Iturbide después de la Proclamación del Plan de Iguala (Mexico, 1945), p. 7; for Venezuela birth, Peralta, Saúl Chávez, Codallos: un gran hombre, dos naciones (Mexico-Venezuela) (Mexico, 1980), pp. 11–12;Google Scholar and Rogelio Alvarez, José, ed., Enciclopedia de Mexico, 3 (Mexico, 1987), p. 1620;Google Scholar for Michoacán birth, de Escalera, Juan López, Diccionario biográfico y de historia de México (Mexico, 1964), p. 200,Google Scholar Diccionario Porrua de historia, biografía y geografía de México (Mexico, 1964), p. 329, and Peral, Miguel Angel, Diccionario biográfico mexicano (Mexico, 1944), pp. 178–Google Scholar79.

¹⁴ Diccionario Porrua, 1964 and 1986 editions; Archivo Historico Militar Mexicano, Correspondencia de Iturbide, p. 7; Jefes del ejército, p. 32.

¹⁵ Quintanar, , Diccionario enciclopédico, p. 359.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Jefes del ejército, p. 32.

¹⁷ Archivo Histórico Militar Mexicano, Correspondencia de Iturbide, p. 7, and Peralta, Chávez, Codallos, pp. 16 Google Scholar and 20.

¹⁸ Noel, Jesse A., Trinidad, Provincia de Venezuela. Historia de la administración española de Trinidad (Caracas, 1972), p. 139.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Peralta, Chávez, Codallos, p. 12;Google Scholar personal communication from Josefina Vázquez, who informs me that Juan José’s brother Felipe’s hoja de servicio indicates that their father was a Spanish military officer. Codallos does not appear, however, in Venezuela, Archivo General de la Nación, Hojas militares, three volumes, Caracas, 1930, which has hojas de servicio from 1766 to 1810; or in García Chuecos, Agustín, Los abogados de la colonia; Blas, J. Terrero, Teatro de Venezuela y Caracas (originally published 1797);Google Scholar or Aparicio, Josefina Pérez, Perdida de la Isla de Trinidad (Seville, 1966).Google Scholar

²⁰ Chávez Peralta’s informants are the descendants of Telesforo Codallos, whom the author identifies as Felipe and Juan José’s younger brother; they are the source for the Río Caribe connection and also presumably the source for the misinformation presented in Chávez Peralta’s book about Juan Jose’s place of birth.

²¹ Peralta, Chávez, Codallos, pp. 15–16;Google Scholar Militar Mexicano, Archivo Histórico, Correspondencia, p. 7;Google Scholar Rafael Batlles, H., “Los sucesos de Cumana en 1808,” Revista Nacional de Cultura 30 (September-December 1970), 29.Google Scholar

²² Peralta, Chávez, Codallos, p. 28;Google Scholar Ugarte, José Bravo, Historia sucinta de Michoacán (Mexico, 1964), 3:79.Google Scholar

²³ Ugarte, Bravo, Historia sucinta, pp. 79–80.Google Scholar

²⁴ Militar Mexicano, Archivo Histórico, Correspondencia, pp. 6–7.Google Scholar

²⁵ Lerdo de Tejada, Miguel M., Apuntes históricos de la heroica ciudad de Vera-Cruz. (Mexico, 1857), 2:263,Google Scholar has a list of those who signed the Plan de Casa Mata.

²⁶ Benson, Nettie Lee, The Provincial Deputation in Mexico: Harbinger of Provincial Autonomy, Independence, and Federalism (Austin, 1992), pp. 65–80,Google Scholar especially p. 74.

²⁷ Archivo de la Parroquia del Sagrario Metropolitano de Puebla, vol. 106, 1823–24, “Bautismos de españoles,” 20 July 1823 (birth of María del Carmen Josefa Margarita Francisca de Paula Codallos Domínguez).

²⁸ Córdoba, Veracruz parish records, “Bautismos de españoles …” 4 julio 1795; APSMM, “Bautismo de hijos legítimos,” Vol. 47, 1802–1809, 29 sept. 1808 Dolores’ father, Francisco Domínguez, was born in Mérida, and her mother, Josefa García Montero, was born on the Ysla del Carmen in Laguna de Términos, as was her own mother; Dolores’ maternal grandfather was from Campeche. Her paternal grandparents are named in her baptismal record, but no place of birth is given. Burkholder, Mark, Biographical Dictionary of Councilors of the Indies, 1717–1808. (New York: Greenwood Press)Google Scholar has a brief biography of Francisco de Valencia y Sáenz del Pontón which contains a reference to a Felipe Codallos y Rabala who was a councilor of Castile in the 1760s.

²⁹ Archer, Christon I., The Army in Bourbon Mexico, 1760–1810 (Albuquerque, 1977), p. 206.Google Scholar

³⁰ Juanino, Josefa Vega, La institucion militar en Michoacán en el ultimo cuarto del siglo XVIII (Zamora, 1986), p. 135.Google Scholar For Ramón Huarte’s commision, Vega Juanino cites A.G.S/G.M., “Propuesta del Cabildo para empleos de oficiales del Regimiento de Valladolid,” Año 1797, Leg. 7005, no. 949.

³¹ ANM, Aguilar, 1824, 4 Dec; Aguilar, 1833, 1 April.

³² Barbosa, Manuel, Apuntes para la historia de Michoacán (Morella, 1905), p. 15.Google Scholar

³³ Though there is no doubt about Codallos’ eventual membership in the York Rite Masonic order, it is not entirely clear when he became a member. Mateos, José María, Historia de la masoneria en México desde 1806 hasta 1884 (Mexico, 1884), p. 16,Google Scholar lists a “General” Codallos as a member of one of the original five lodges founded in 1825. Juan José Codallos was not a general at this time, and it is possible that the reference is to his brother Felipe, who was Comandante General de Campeche in 1825. AHMM, Correspondencia, p. 2. See also Romero Flores, Jesús, Historia de Michoacán (Mexico, 1946), 1:730 Google Scholar–31. Alamán offers a fascinating account (and to my knowledge the only account extant) of the circumstances of Codallos’ joining the yorkinos. He. writes that Codallos’ “downfall” began when another officer embezzled money from the treasury of their batallion, and Codallos, who discovered that the funds were missing, began proceedings against this officer. The embezzler, to protect himself, quickly joined the lodge; with the yorkinos now behind him, Alamán implies, ready to obstruct justice and worse, not only was the case dismissed, but a case was brought against Codallos instead, who was then forced to become a member himself. That this account is implausible does not reduce its interest. Alamán’s evokation of Codallos’ character twenty years after his death is quite different from that offered up by the contemporary press, including Alamán himself (who was a power behind the particularly slanderous El Sol). Here Codallos is represented by Alamán as having been done in by his own scrupulosity (in prosecuting his fellow officer), as having been forced to affiliate with the “nefarious rite,” as it was often labeled. This protectiveness towards Codallos may well have been because of his connections to the Huartes and the Iturbides. Alamán, Lucas, Historia de Méjico, 5:824.Google Scholar

³⁴ Quoted in Green, Stanley C., The Mexican Republic: The First Decade, 1823–1832 (Pittsburgh, 1987), p. 90.Google Scholar

³⁵ On the yorkino phenomenon, see Costeloe, Michael, La primera república federal de México, 1824-1835: un estudio de los partidos políticos en el México independiente (Mexico, 1975)Google Scholar; Di Tella, Torcuato, National Popular Politics in Early Independent Mexico, 1820–1847 (Albuquerque, 1996);Google Scholar and Guardino, Peter, Peasants, Politics, and the Formation of Mexico’s National State: Guerrero, 1800–1857 (Stanford, 1996), pp. 120 Google Scholar–30.

³⁶ Alamán, Lucas, Documentos diversos (inéditos y muy raros) (Mexico, 1946), 3:45.Google Scholar See also Tella, Di, National Popular Politics, pp. 53 Google Scholar and 305.

³⁷ Green, , The Mexican Republic, p. 151 Google Scholar; Tella, Di, National Popular Politics, p. 204.Google Scholar

³⁸ Arrom, Silvia, “Popular Politics in Mexico City: The Parian Riot, 1828,” Hispanic American Historical Review 68:2 (May 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar 248; Hale, Charles A., Mexican Liberalism in the Age of Mora, 1821–1853 (New Haven, 1968), p. 95.Google Scholar

³⁹ Olveda, , Gordiano Guzmán, p. 120.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Arrom, , “Popular Politics,” p. 255 Google Scholar; Alamán, , Documentos diversos, 3:45;Google Scholar Tejada, Lerdo de, Apuntes, 2:305;Google Scholar Green, , The Mexican Republic, pp. 159–161.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Bustamante, Carlos María, Continuación del cuadro histórico (Mexico, 1954), 3:221–223;Google Scholar Ugarte, Bravo, Historia sucinta, p. 80.Google Scholar Bustamante’s charge that Codallos extorted money was refuted by Olavarría, Enrique de y Ferrari, , Episodios históricos mexicanos (originally published 1904; facsimile edition published 1987), 2:691.Google Scholar

⁴² Green, , The Mexican Republic, p. 193.Google Scholar

⁴³ Mateos, , Historia de la masonería, p. 23.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ El Astro Moreliano (Morelia), special insert with 18 February 1830 issue.

⁴⁵ El Astro Moreliano, 8 March 1830; Ugarte, Bravo, Historia sucinta, p. 78.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Salgado escaped from jail, apparently because the men who were guarding him were militiamen whom he had organized and who were his partisans. Ugarte, Bravo, Historia sucinta, p. 78.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ On the Plan de Codallos, see Olveda, , Gordiano Guzmán, p. 127.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Guardino sees the War of the South as signalling a “key change in Mexican political culture.” Before the war, virtually everyone called themselves “federalists,” but afterwards, “federalists” tended much more to be members of one coalition in Mexican politics, whose adversaries were “centralists.” It was during the war that “centralists” were increasingly accused of hatching a plot to undermine Mexican independence, while “federalists” were accused of fomenting race and class war. Guardino, , Peasants, Politics, pp. 133–34.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Flores, Romero, Historia de Michoacán, 1:730;Google Scholar Rodríguez O, Jaime E., “Oposición a Bustamante,” Historia Mexicana 20:2 (October-December 1970), 223.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Besides the eyewitness account in Barbosa, , Apuntes, pp. 12–15,Google Scholar also see Flores, Romero, Comentarios, p. 71;Google Scholar Palacio, Riva, México a través de los siglos, 4:285.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Costeloe, Michael, The Central Republic in Mexico, 1835–1846: Hombres de Bien in the Age of Santa Anna (Cambridge, 1993), p. 7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵² El Sol, 19 November 1830.

⁵³ For example, see Archivo Histórico del Congreso del Estado, Actas del Congreso, Caja 8, 1826–28, exp. 1, 15 September 1828; Caja 9, 1828, exp. 1, 24 October 1828.

⁵⁴ The three Michelena sons were José Mariano, with his career in the military; José Nicolas, who was an abogado; and Juan José, a racionero in the Morelia Cathedral chapter. The eldest Huarte sons were Lic. Isidro (law), Br. José Antonio (church), and Ramon (military). Huarte also had a younger son, Mariano, who was a lawyer, and two other sons who did not receive professional training to my knowledge.

⁵⁵ AHMM, uncatalogued document entitled “Sobre arrendamiento de la hacienda de la Parota a D. Domingo Arechaga,” 1809: “este arrendamiento … no fue mas que como un parapeto, para iluminar al mundo, y hacerle creer que los Michelenas eran dueños de crecidos caudales …”)

⁵⁶ AHMM, uncatalogued documents relating to the estate of Isidro Huarte, Quaderno 2, “Compromiso hecho por los Ynteresados a la Testamentaria del finado D. Isidro Huarte …” 24 Sept, de 1825.

⁵⁷ Hernández, J. E. y Dávalos, , Colección de documentos para la historia da la guerra de independencia, vol. 2,Google Scholar “Relación formada por el Sr. Michelena de lo ocurrido en Valladolid en 1809 …”

⁵⁸ Costeloe, , La primera república, p. 261;Google Scholar Green, , The Mexican Republic, pp. 197–98.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ ”… aucsiliar y fomentar a los perturbadores del orden, como gratuitamente afirma su antagonista, sino por motivos privados o de familia que no me toca escudrinar.” El Sol, 11 November 1830, Román’s three daughters married three Malo brothers, the Malos being in turn connected to the Huartes and the Iturbides (José Ramón Malo was with Iturbide when he went into exile; and Domingo Malo e Iturbide was the padrino at Isidro Huarte’s third marriage to Ana Gertrudis Alcantara y Arambide in 1804. APSMM, “Libro donde se sientan las partidas de casamientos de españoles …,” 1 November 1804). Román’s son, Francisco, was later married to a granddaughter of Isidro Huarte, Pilar Gómez Alzúa.

⁶⁰ Flores, Romero, Comentarios, pp. 64 Google Scholar and 71. The story of the so-called “yorkino martyrs” of Morelia is recounted in many other sources as well, but the best account is in Ugarte, Bravo, Historia sucinta, p. 79.Google Scholar The episode is apparently connected to the escape of Salgado from a Morelia jail soon after his capture. According to Bravo Ugarte, Salgado’s escape embarrassed the Comandante General, Pedro Otero, who took his revenge a few months later. He had imprisoned a number of young men whom he accused of being conspirators and “adicts of Salgado’s cause,” and they were sentenced to death. The Secretaria de Justicia ordered him on 1 December 1830, to suspend the executions, but he managed to find a way around that order: he had his guards tell them that an escape had been arranged, and as they fled the jail his men ambushed them, along with four of their friends who had come to help them get away. A few hours later he shot them all. The government was “horrified,” and demanded that Otero be relieved of his duties, but Codallos’ attack on Morelia, and Otero’s repulsion of the attack, redeemed his reputation.

⁶¹ For Ceballos’ connection to Iturbide, ANM, Aguilar, 1822, 8 November; for Menocal’s connection to Román, ANM, Aguilar, 1831, 22 September and ANM, Rincon, 1835, 26 October.

⁶² ”…reducir el ejército a su verdadero papel de protector del territorio e independencia de Mexico.” Olveda, , Gordiano Guzmán, p. 145.Google Scholar

⁶³ El Sol, 15 January 1830. Palacio, Riva, México a través de los siglos, p. 232,Google Scholar notes that Isidro Huarte’s name should be remembered “al desprecio de nuestros lectores imparciales.”

⁶⁴ Olveda, , Gordiano Guzmán, p. 136.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ El Astro Moreliano (Morelia), special insert with 18 February 1830 issue. Alzúa’s mother was Carmen Huarte, and his father Pascual Alzúa was Isidro Huarte’s business partner as well as his son-in-law.

⁶⁶ See, for example, Tella, Di, National Popular Politics, p. 219.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Bustamante, , Continuacion, pp. 438–Google Scholar39.

⁶⁸ Chowning, Margaret, “The Contours of the Post–1810 Depression in Mexico: A Reappraisal from a Regional Perspective,” Latin American Research Review 27:2 (1992).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ AHMM, uncatalogued documents concerning the estate of Isidro Huarte. In Quaderno 2, “Compromiso,” the reclamo of Joaquín Huarte notes his involvement in an 1811 conspiracy against the Spanish government (for which he believes he was persecuted by the military commander of Valladolid, Torcuato Trujillo).

⁷⁰ Briefly, by the 1850s the economy of Michoacán had almost fully recovered from the wars for independence, and the gap between the richest members of provincial society and the poorest was probably even greater than it had been before 1810. The economic statistics supporting this view of the local economy can be found in Chowning, “Contours.” A more elaborate discussion of the social implications of economic recovery is in Chowning, , Wealth and Power in Provincial Mexico: Michoacán from the Late Colony to the Revolution (forthcoming, Stanford University Press).Google Scholar