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The Destruction of the Religious Orders in Paraguay, 1810-1824

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Jerry W. Cooney
Jerry W. Cooney*
Affiliation:
University of Louisville, Louisville, Kentucky
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Extract

For three centuries the Church in colonial Spanish America was the primary cultural institution affecting the lives of all Spain's overseas subjects. Education, charity, art, architecture, all the humane arts had been the legacy of the Church as well as its greatest gift to the New World, the Christianization of the Indians. In all these pursuits the Church was ably and dutifully supported by the Crown. Concurrently, clerics of all ranks and occupations were tied closely to the civil authority by the Royal Patronage.

The achievements of the orders of the Church were out of proportion to their numbers. Franciscans, Dominicans, Mercedarians, then Jesuits and others all left their mark on Spanish America and often expanded the empire through missionary activities. Paraguay, an isolated province in the Río de la Plata, was a striking example of the successful toil of various orders. However, in 1767 by command of the regalist Carlos III, the Jesuits were expelled from this region (and the entire empire) and at the turn of the century there remained but three orders in the province, Franciscans, Dominicans, and Mercedarians. Of the three the Franciscans were the most important in the colonial era. Ever since the 1530's, this order was concerned with the conversion and welfare of the Indians. Reductions of the Guaraní were established by the Franciscans long before those of the better known Jesuits. Among the great figures of the Franciscan first century in Paraguay were Fray Martín Ignacio de Loyola and especially fray Luis de Bolaños, the “Apostle of Paraguay.”

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 36 , Issue 2 , October 1979 , pp. 177 - 198
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1979

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References

1 One of the best surveys of the history of colonial Paraguay which discusses the contributions of the Church to this region is Cardozo, Efraím, El Paraguay colonial: Las raices de la Nacionalidad (Buenos Aires, 1959),Google Scholar passim.

2 Habig, Marion A. O.F.M., “The Franciscans in Paraguay,” Franciscan Studies (New Series), 1, #1 (March, 1941), pp. 35–55 Google Scholar; Molina, Raúl, “La obra franciscana en el Paraguay y Río de la Plata,” Missionalia Hispánica, 11, Nos. 32 & 33 (1954)Google Scholar, passim; Córdoba, Fray Antonio Santa Clara, Los franciscanos en el Paraguay (1537-1937). Ensayo histórico (Buenos Aires, 1937), pp. 1–180,Google Scholar passim; Macho, Isidro Calzada, “Paí Tucú”: Biografía de Fray Luis Bolaños (Asunción, 1975),Google Scholar passim; and for a good bibliography on Franciscan activities in the colonial era of the Río de la Plata see Habig, Marion A. O.F.M., “The Franciscan Provinces of South America (Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay),” The Americas, II, 4 (April, 1946), 479–481.Google Scholar

3 In 1612 the Franciscan establishments were united to form a new Province for the Río de la Plata.

4 Queirolo, Victor Ayala, Historia de la culturaen el Paraguay (Asunción, 1966), p. 7 5.Google Scholar For an excellent description of the education offered in convents in the Río de la Plata in the 1700’s see Carrasco, Fray Jacinto, O.P., Ensayo histórico sobre la orden dominicana argentina. I. Actas Capitulares (1724–1824) (Buenos Aires, 1924), pp. 57–61.Google Scholar Also for public education (non-convent) in Paraguay see de Kostianovsky, Olinda Massare, La instrucción pública en la época colonial (2nd ed. rev.; Asunción, 1975),Google Scholar passim.

5 Aguirre, Juan Francisco, “Diario del capitán de fragata D. Juan Francisco Aguirre,” Revista de la Biblioteca Nacional (Buenos Aires), 18, 45 & 46 (1948), 281–282.Google Scholar

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8 Aguirre, pp. 280–281; and Ayala Queirolo, p. 75.

9 Velázquez, Rafael Eladio, Breve historia de la cultura en el Paraguay (Asunción, 1966), p, 63.Google Scholar For a description of the Franciscan work in the countryside see de Parras, Fray Pedro José, Diario y derrotero de sus viajes, 1749-1755: España-Río de la Plata-Córdoba-Paraguay (Buenos Aires, 1943), pp. 178–207.Google Scholar Another traveler to the province in the 1780's remarked that earlier the Franciscans also had the governance of Itá, Yuty, and Caazapá and regretted that pueblos such as these were no longer governed by clerics. Aguirre, pp. 439-444. But the tendency of Bourbon regalism was to deprive the orders, and secular clerics, of such administrative positions. Furthermore, it was the desire of Bourbon administrators to replace regulars with secular clergy for the spiritual care of the Indians. However, in Paraguay that process was just beginning by the end of the colonial period.

10 Governor Carlos Morphi to Señor Don Fray Julián de Arriaga, Asunción, March 29, 1770 in the Manuel Gondra Manuscript Collection, Latin American Collection, University of Texas, Austin, Texas, MG 107a. The entire aspect of missionary labor in Paraguay after the expulsion of the Jesuits by both regular and secular clergy is a fruitful field for further study. A recent contribution to this effort is Blujaki, Monseñor Agustín, Un gran paraguayo: Presbítero Juan Francisco Amando González y Escobar (Asunción, 1972).Google Scholar

11 Nómina de los Religiosos del orden seráfico …,” 1787 in Archivo Nacional de Asunción, Sección Histórica, Volume 151. Hereafter cited as ANA-SH 151.

12 “Nómina de los Religiosos del orden seráfico …,” 1795 in Fray Juan Francisco de Echegaray to Governor Joaquín Alos, Casa Capitular del Rincón de San Pedro, February 22, 1795 in ANA-SH 163. The Recoleta had six sacerdotes and four legos; Villa Rica eight sacerdotes and two legos.

13 The European predominance in the Recoleta was probably due to the more recent establishment in the Río de la Plata and hence closer ties to “mother convents” in Spain.

14 Millé, Andrés, La Orden de la Merced en la conquista del Perú, Chile y el Tucumán y su convento del antiguo Buenos Aires, 1218–1804 (Buenos Aires, 1958), pp. 123–138 Google Scholar; and Colnago, José W., “El Templo de la Merced y nuestra historia: La Orden de Nuestra Señora de la Merced en el Paraguay,” Historia Paraguaya, IV–V (1959–1960), pp. 67–69.Google Scholar

15 Millé, pp. 234 & 261. Also see “Corren este Libro de Cautivos …,” by Comendador del convento de San José Fray Blas Ozorio, Asunción, 1797 in Archivo Nacional de Asunción, Nueva Encuademación, Volume 34. Hereafter cited as ANA-NE 34.

16 Brunet, Fray José, O. de M., Los mercedarios en la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1973), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

17 Ibid., pp. 93–97; and “Legajo que contiene la noticia individual de los Censos, capellanias, y fincas al favor del Convento de Nuestra Señora de la Merced del Paraguay,” Asunción, June 30, 1808 in ANA-NE 2898; and Aguirre, pp. 281–282.

18 Ibid., p. 280.

19 Ibid., pp. 280–283; and Carrasco, pp. 7–14.

20 Aguirre, pp. 281-282; and Molas, Mariano Antonio, Descripción histórica de la antigua provincia del Paraguay (3rd ed.; Buenos Aires, 1957), p. 23.Google Scholar

21 Political quarrels in the elections of employees of the Dominican Third Order necessitated the intervention of the penultimate Governor of Paraguay and a civil-ecclesiastic conflict ensued which even involved the royal administration in Spain. Governor Lázaro de Ribera to Viceroy the marqués de Aviles (?), Asunción, June 19, 1800 in ANA-NE 3394; and Cédula of Carlos IV, August 20, 1801 in ANA-SH 71.

22 Carrasco, p. 662.

23 It also appears that the Observants of Asunción had a Third Order but information on this is extremely vague. Santa Clara Córdoba, p. 202. The Mercedarians of Asunción possessed a cofradía. Fray Calixto Carambuz to interim Governor Pedro Gracia, Asunción (?), August of 1810 in ANA-SH 211.

24 For the impact of the British invasions of the Río de la Plata, see Beverina, Juan, Las invasiones inglesas al Río de la Plata (1806–1807) (Buenos Aires, 1939),Google Scholar two volumes,passim.

25 Circular of Bishop Pedro, Asunción, July 28, 1810 in MG 2057; Pastoral of Bishop Pedro, Asunción, September of 1810 in MG 2057 o; and Circular of Bishop Pedro, Asunción, October 13, 1810 in MG 2057 p. For the bishopric of this troubled prelate see Cooney, Jerry W., “Independence, Dictatorship, and Fray Pedro García de Panés, O.F.M.: Last Bishop of Colonial Paraguay (+1838),” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, (1975),Google Scholar passim.

26 Centurién, Carlos R., Precursores y actores de la independencia del Paraguay (Asunción, 1962), p. 27.Google Scholar

27 Interim Governor Pedro Gracia to the Guardians of the Observancia and the Recoleta, the Comendador of La Merced, and Prior to the Dominicans, Asunción, September 12, 1810 in ANA-SH212. Also see Fray José Mariano Espinosa to Interim Governor Pedro Gracia, Asunción (?), September 22, 1810 in ANA-SH 213.

28 Centurión, pp. 35–36; Chaves, Julio César, La revolución paraguaya de la independencia (Asunción, 1961), pp. 93–95 Google Scholar; and for an analysis of Caballero by a fellow conspirator, see Somellera, Pedro, “Notas del doctor don Pedro Somellera a la introducción que ha puesto el doctor Rengger a su ensayo histórico sobre la revolución del Paraguay,” Montevideo, September 14, 1841 in Mitre, Museo, Documentos del Archivo de Belgrano (Buenos Aires, 1914), 3, pp. 325–326.Google Scholar

29 Bando of Governor Velasco, Asunción, April 19, 1811 in ANA-SH 214.

30 Vittone, Luis, El Paraguay en la lucha por su independencia (Asunción, 1960), pp. 133–138 Google Scholar; and Chaves, , La revolución paraguaya, pp. 29–48.Google Scholar

3l Act of the Paraguayan Congress of June 22, 1811, Asunción, in ANA-SH 214. Although the Church was not specifically mentioned in regard to American preference, such would automatically follow when Paraguayan governments assumed their right to the Patronage.

32 Centurión, pp. 44–51.

33 The best source for the life of Doctor Francia is Chaves, Julio César, El Supremo Dictador: Biografía de José Gaspar de Francia (4th ed.; Madrid, 1964).Google Scholar

34 Auto of the Paraguayan Junta, Asunción, June 30, 1811; and Testimony of Obedience by the Recolección taken by the Comandante de Costa Abajo Francisco Díaz, La Recoleta, July 7, 1811, both in ANA-SH 213.

35 Doctor Alberto Nogues notes 1813 as the year in which the Bishop formally recognized the government’s rights of the Patronage but an earlier example of the Junta’s use of this power exists. Nogues, Alberto, La iglesia en la época del Dr. Francia (Asunción, 1960), pp. 15–16 Google Scholar; but see Paraguayan Junta to Bishop Pedro, May 13, 1812 in ANA-SH 218. At much the same time in 1812 the Junta formally abolished the authority of the Inquisition.

36 Centurión, Juan Crisóstomo, Memorias o reminiscencias históricas sobre la Guerra del Paraguay (Asunción, 1976), 1, p. 59.Google Scholar

37 Chaves, , El Supremo Dictador, pp. 119–125,Google Scholar & 142–143; and Aguinaga, Juan B. Gill, Un documento inédito sobre la Revolución del 14 y 15 de mayo de 1811 (Asunción, 1965), p. 14.Google Scholar For the relations between Asunción and Buenos Aires during this period, see Chaves, Julio César, Historia de las relaciones entre Buenos-Ayresy el Paraguay: 1810–1813 (Buenos Aires, 1959),Google Scholar passim.

38 “Individuos presos y arrestados el 16 de Setiembre de 1811 …,” Revista Nacional (Buenos Aires), II, (1866), p. 316; and Estrago, Sor Margarita Durán, O.P., “La Sociedad Patriótica Literaria y los Dominicos,” La Tribuna, Asunción, Sunday, October 15, 1967.Google Scholar

39 de Granze, Juan Manuel, “Diario de los sucesos memorables de la Asunción desde el 14 de mayo de 1812” Revista Nacional (Buenos Aires), 3, (1887),Google Scholar entries for May 25 & 28, 1812, pp. 243-244. Earlier a European Recoleto had been imprisoned for a month due to an ill-advised sermon, but nothing happened to him after he was released. “Individuos presos y arrestados …,” p. 317.

40 Paraguayan Junta to Bishop Pedro, Asunción, January 11, 1812 in Archivo de la Curia Metropolitana, Asunción, Casilla #107, Volume II.

41 Paraguayan Junta to the Provincial of the Dominicans R. P. Fray Julián Pedriel, Asunción, March 19, 1812; and Provincial Pedriel to the junta of Paraguay, Buenos Aires, April 19, 1812, both in Durán Estrago. Fray Taboada was already in Asunción.

42 Durán Estrago; and Paraguayan Junta to members of the Sociedad Patriótica Literaria, Asunción, March 4, 1812 in ANA-SH 219.

43 Articles 70 & 71 of “Ynstrucciones para los Maestros de escuelas,” Paraguayan Junta, Asunción, February 15, 1812 in ANA-SH 216.

44 Guardián of San Francisco Fray Jorge Canio to Secretary of the Government Mariano Larios Galván, Asunción, October 20, 1812 in ANA-SH 219; Galván to Canio, Asunción, October 21, 1812 in ANA-SH 219; Regente de estudios of the convent of San Francisco Fray Ramón Barial (?) to the Paraguayan Junta, Asunción, November 18, 1812 in ANA-SH 218; and the Paraguayan Junta's approval of above, Asunción, November 19, 1812 in ANA-SH 219.

45 An interesting example of that cooperation was the Dominicans' acquiescence in the Junta's dispatch of freedmen from the pueblo of Tabapí to establish a military frontier settlement at Tevegó in the north. These freedmen were in the charge of the Dominicans and that order cooperated in the venture. For this settlement see Williams, John Hoyt, “Tevegó on the Paraguayan Frontier: A Chapter in the Black History of the Americas,” The Journal of Negro History, LVI, 4 (October, 1971),CrossRefGoogle Scholar passim.

46 In January of 1812 the Junta accepted with complacency the Dominican Province’s naming of a Prior and officers for that Paraguayan convent, and an 1812 capítulo in Buenos Aires of the Franciscans selected Fray Jorge Canio as Guardián of the Asunción Observants, again with no objection from the junta. Paraguayan Junta to the Prior of the Dominican convent, Asunción, January 19, 1812 in ANA-SH 217; Paraguayan Junta to vicario Fray Juan Eduardo Torres of the Dominican convent, Asunción, February 1, 1812 in de la Cruz Saldaña Retamar, Fray Reginaldo, S.O.P., Los dominicanos en h independencia argentina (Buenos Aires, 1920), pp. 126–127 Google Scholar; and Santa Clara Córdoba, op. cit., p. 200. Santa Clara Córdoba also states that no Paraguayan Franciscan attended Provincial capítulos after 1811.

47 Act of the Paraguayan Congress of 1813, Asunción, October 12, 1813 in ANA-SH 222.

48 J. W. & Robertson, W. P., Letters on Paraguay: Comprising an account of a four years' residence in that republic under the government of the Dictator Francia (2nd ed.; London, 1839), 5, pp. 27–28.Google Scholar It must be noted that these two brothers were Protestant.

49 Paraguayan Consuls to the Cabildo of Curuguatí, Asunción, September 7, 1814 in Coleção Visconde Rio Branco, 1-30-24-45 #2 in the Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

50 Motion of a deputy to the 1814 Paraguayan Congress, Asunción, October of 1814 in ANA-SH 223; Also see Act of the 1814 Congress in Coleção Visconde Rio Branco, 1-30-24-45, #2.

51 Nogues, Alberto, El Provisor Roque Antonìo Céspedes Xería (Asunción, 1960), pp. 6–8.Google Scholar

52 Velazco, Fray Mariano Ignacio, “Protesta de un Paraguayo en 1815 contra la dictadura del Doctor Francia,” Revista Nacional (Buenos Aires), 13 (1891), pp. 185–200 Google Scholar; and “Un fraile paraguayo, tío de Francia …,” in Vázquez, José Antonio, El Doctor Francia: Visto y oído por sus contemporáneos (Asunción, 1961), pp. 266–269.Google Scholar

53 “Rivalidades en el interior del Convento de la Merced,” in Vázquez, pp. 264–265.

54 Carrasco, pp. 108-109. While there is no doubt that Carrasco is correct in placing Maestre and Molina in Paraguay in 1815, it is yet vague as to how and when these two arrived, since in the 1811 Provincial “asignaciones” Maestre was a lector in the Buenos Aires convent and Molina in the Corrientes convent. It is possible, however, that in the interim both were transferred to Paraguay, possibly in response to the Junta's 1812 request for aid in education.

55 Decree of Doctor Francia, Asunción, July 2,1815 in ANA-SH 224. It appears that the Dictator at least had the courtesy to communicate this decision to the Provinces of the orders. Carrasco, pp. 109–110.

56 “Sábado 17 de julio de 1813,” in El Redactor de la Asamblea: 1813-1815. Reimpresión facsimilar ilustrada (Buenos Aires, 1915), pp. 45–46.

57 “Sesiones del día 9 de octubre y 12 de octubre de 1816 del Congreso de Tucumán,” in Ravignani, Emilio (ed.), Asambleas constituyentes argentinas. I. 1813–1833 (Buenos Aires, 1937), pp. 262–263.Google Scholar

58 Fray Juan José de Roo to the Dictator Francia, Convento de San Francisco de Buenos Ayres, May 5, 1817 in ANA-SH 430.

59 Bishop Pedro to Doctor Francia, Asunción, July 3, 1815 in Nogues, Alberto, La iglesia en la época del Dr. Francia, p. 18 Google Scholar; Fray Antonio Gutiérrez to Doctor Francia, Convento de Santa Barbara, August 6, 1815; Fray José Martínez Berrejo to Doctor Francia, La Recoleta, July 13, 1815; and Fray Fernando Soto to Doctor Francia, La Merced, July 12, 1815, all in ANA-NE 1815.

60 Nogues, , La iglesia en la época del Dr. Francia, pp. 17–18.Google Scholar

61 Decree of Doctor Francia, Asunción, December 21, 1815 in ANA-SH 224.

62 Act of the Paraguayan Congress of 1816, Asunción, May 30, 1816 in ANA-SH 226.

63 Decree of Doctor Francia, Asunción, October 16, 1819 in ANA-SH 229; and Cooney, pp. 437–441.

64 Posthumous letter of Padre Fidel Maíz in “El clero nacional: Su acción en la independencia patria y amor constanteala libertad,” in El País, Asunción, Tuesday, May 24, 1938. In the same year, 1816, it was reported that Doctor Francia also arrested and imprisoned a friar and three priests, along with others, for opposing his election to Dictator for Life. Wisner, Francisco, El Dictador del Paraguay : José Gaspar de Francia (2nd ed.; Buenos Aires, 1957), p. 89.Google Scholar

65 Aceval, Emilio Saguier, El Supremo (Asunción, 1970), pp. 489–490.Google Scholar Then too, given the fragmentary sources of this era, it is entirely possible that we possess records only pertaining to the Franciscans while data on the persecution of Dominicans and Mercedarians remain to be unearthed in uncatalogued sections of the Archivo Nacional de Asunción and the Archivo de la Curia Metropolitana de la Asunción.

66 Santa Clara Córdoba, pp. 200-204. While Santa Clara Córdoba still remains the best general source for the history of the Franciscans in Paraguay, he should be used with care when discussing the destruction of his order in that nation. Not only does a violent, but understandable, prejudice against the Dictator permeate his work, but certain of the events he describes probably came to him second or even third hand. However, given the confused nature of sources in Paraguay, and the lack of records in the Buenos Aires convent after the Peronist fire of 1955, he must be used. Also in this period the unfortunate continual inebriation of a Franciscan serving as Comisario for the Limosnas deJerusalén gave the Dictator reason to order that friar confined to the Observant convent, stripped of his charge. Auto of Doctor Francia, Asunción, March 1, 1819 in ANA-NE 1798.

67 Chaves, , El Supremo Dictador, pp. 271–286.Google Scholar Another account of the conspiracy places the arrest and imprisonment of Fray Manuel Mariñas, Fray Bernardo Díaz, Fray Mauel Cumá, and Presbítero José Maíz in 1819 as a prelude to the great arrests of 1820. Wisner, p. 96. Again sources are vague and contradictory in this matter.

68 Santa Clara Córdoba, p. 199; and Moreno, Fulgencio R., La Ciudad de la Asunción (2nd ed.; Asunción, 1968), p. 233.Google Scholar One source further states that by this time Spanish-born Franciscans were confined to the Recoleta, forbidden to confess and deprived of all contact with their compatriots. Zinny, Antonio, Historia de los gobernantes del Paraguay (1537–1887) (Buenos Aires, 1887), pp. 334–335.Google Scholar As for the ejection of the Observants, most sources give the date as 1820 but there exists a document which suggests September or October of 1819. “Razón … del convento suprimido de San Francisco,” Guardian Fray José Matías Godoy, Asunción, October 19, 1819 in ANA-NE 3102.

69 “Elecciones del convento de la Santa Recolección,” Asunción, November 26, 1821 in ANA-SH 235.

70 Rengger, Johan and Longchamp, M., Ensayo histórico sobre la revolución del Paraguay (Buenos Aires, 1883), pp. 72–73,Google Scholar and 167.

71 Decree of Doctor Francia, Asunción, September 20, 1824 in ANA-SH 237. With this decree were also abolished the cofradías and Third Orders. Rengger and Longchamp, p. 168.

72 Saguier Aceval, p. 491; Nogues, , La iglesia en la época del Dr. Francia, p. 25.Google Scholar Also see “Fray Ruiz contempla ese Paraguay …,” in Vázquez, p. 566; and Fray Pedro Aguirre to Doctor Francia, Asunción, 1825 (?) in ANA-SH 237. Fray Pedro Aguirre was a corista, not yet ordained, but he also requested domicile in the republic with the purpose of secularization and then ordination. Given the incapacity of the bishop it is a mystery as to why or how he believed he could become ordained. It is also vague as to what employment non-ordained ex-friars would be assigned or find.

73 Rengger and Longchamp, p. 167.

74 Saguier Aceval, p. 491. Again Rengger reports that only five—three Spanish and two porteños—asked for and were refused secularization. Rengger and Longchamp, p. 120.

75 Fray José Martínez Berrejo to Doctor Francia, Asunción, 1825 (?) in ANA-SH 237. Santa Clara Córdoba also lists the frailes Felipe Santomé, Fernando Caballero, Cipriano Cañete, Manuel Mariñas, Francisco Aguirre, Pantelón Alegre, and Bernardo Días who all were expelled from Paraguay after most of these were released from prison in 1825—evidently without an opportunity to request secularization. However, again Santa Clara Córdoba must be utilized with care as Caballero is believed to have died in Paraguay. Santa Clara Córdoba, pp. 204-205.

76 Ex-Fray José Matías Godoy to Doctor Francia, Villa Rica, December 15, 1824 in ANA-NE 1142. Santa Clara Córdoba is incorrect when he states Godoy did not secularize. Santa Clara Córdoba, p. 204.

77 “Inventario” by Comendador del convento de San José Fray Casimiro Ramírez, Asunción, October 8, 1824 in ANA-NE 3107; “Inventorio de todos los bienes,” Guardián Fray José Matías Godoy of Santa Barbara, Villa Rice, September 22, 1824 in ANA-NE 1842; “Diligencia” for the suppressed Dominican convent by Presbítero comisionado Don Tomás Gregorio Ximénez, Asunción, November 6, 1824 in ANA-NE 3106; and “Razón de las alajas, ornamentos, y demás muebles del convento suprimido de San Francisco,” Guardián Fray José Matías Godoy, Asunción, October 19, 1819 in ANA-NE 3102.

78 “Existencia en dinero …,” of La Recoleta, Fray Justo Cecilio Fleytas, Asunción, September 24, 1824 in ANA-NE 3102.

79 Santa Clara Córdoba, pp. 205–206.

80 However, in the Archivo Nacional de Asunción records believed lost have a way of reappearing as cataloguing proceeds. From that archive and the Archive of the Curia Metropolitana more sources on the Paraguayan orders may await the future historian.

81 Moreno, p. 233; Wisner, pp. 121–122; and Chaves, , El Supremo Dictador, p. 326.Google Scholar

82 Decree of President Carlos Antonio López, Asunción, April 17, 1845; President Carlos Antonio López to Bishop Basilio, Asunción, April 17, 1845, both in ANA-SH 272; and Santa Clara Córdoba, pp. 185–186.