1. This is by now an extensive literature. Among the most encompassing contributions see: Mallon, Florencia Peasant and Nation: The Making of Postcolonial Mexico and Peru (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995);Google Scholar Riot, Rebellion:, and Revolution: Rural Social Conflict in Mexico, ed. Katz, Friedrich (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988);Google Scholar Tutino, John From Insurrection to Revolution in Mexico (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986);Google Scholar Guardino, Peter Peasants, Politics, and the Formation of Mexico’s National State: Guerrero, 1800–1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996);Google Scholar and Guardino, , The Time of Liberty Popular Political Culture in Oaxaca, 1750-1850 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. These are vast literatures, especially for the colonial period and the peasant revolts of the 1760s through the 1810s. See for example “Cities of Hope People, Protests, and Progress” in Urbanizing Latin America, 1870–1930, eds. Pineo, Ronn F. and Baer, James A. (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1998);Google Scholar Romero, Luis Alberto, “Buenos Aires, 1880–1950: política y cultura de los sectores populares,” Cuadernos americanos 2 (March-April 1989), pp. 31–45;Google Scholar Sowell, David “The 1893 Bogotazo: Artisans and Public Violence in Late Nineteenth-Century Bogotá,” Journal of Latin American Studies 21: 2 (May 1989), pp. 267–82;CrossRefGoogle Scholar McFarlane, Anthony ’“The ‘Rebellion of the Barrios’: Urban Insurrection in Bourbon Quito,” Hispanic American Historical Review 69: 2 (May 1989), pp. 283–330;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Arrom, Silvia M. “Popular Politics in Mexico City: The Parian Riot, 1828,” Hispanic American Historical Review 68 (May 1988), pp. 245–68;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Galindo, Alberto Flores Aristocracia y plebe. Lima, 1760–1830 (Lima: Mosca Azul Editores, 1984);Google Scholar Szuchman, Mark D. “Disorder and Social Control in Buenos Aires, 1810–1860,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 15: 1 (Summer 1984), pp. 83–110;CrossRefGoogle Scholar McFarlane, Anthony “Civil Disorder and Protests in Late Colonial New Granada,” Hispanic American Historical Review 64: 1 (February 1984), pp. 17–54;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Taylor, William B. Drinking, Homicide & Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1979).Google Scholar

3. Sylvia Arrom and Servando Ortoll’s 1995 collection of essays is one of the few texts that explicitly address this question. The introduction by Arrom and the conclusion by Tilly provide some important starting points. After reviewing the question of urban riots (based mostly on the colonial-era literature), Arrom calls for the study of the riots in the context of larger political relations between popular sectors and elites, pointing out correctly that the negotiation of rule in cities did not begin with the twentieth-century populisms. Silvia Marina, Arrom and Ortoli, Servando in Riots in the Cities Popular Politics and the Urban Poor in Latin America, 1765–1910, ed. Arrom, Silvia Marina (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1996).Google Scholar They follow a much earlier literature that considered the decline of the city in the caudillismo and anarchy of the nineteenth century.

5. This earlier literature considered the decline of the city in the caudillismo and anarchy of the nineteenth century. See Rolando, Mcllafe R., The Latifundio and the City in Latin American History (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1971);Google Scholar Romero, Jose Luis “La ciudad latinoamericana y los movimientos políticos,” in La urbanización en América Latina, cds. Hardoy, Jorge and Tobar, Carlos (Buenos Aires: Editorial del Instituto Torcuato Di Telia, 1969), pp. 297–310;Google Scholar Morse, Richard M. “Primacía, regionalización, dependencia: enfoques sobre las ciudades latinoamericanas en el desarrollo nacional,” Desarrollo económico, no. 41 (April-June 1971), pp. 55–85;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Morse, Richard M., “Trends and Patterns of Latin American Urbanization,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 16 (September 1974), pp. 416–47;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Morse, Richard M. “A Prolegomenon to Latin American Urban History,” Hispanic American Historical Review 52: 3 (August 1972), pp. 359–94;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Morse, , “Cities and Society in XIX Century Latin America: The Illustrative Case of Brazil,” in El proceso de urbanización en América desde sus orígenes hasta nuestros días, eds. Jorge Hardoy and Richard Schaedel (Buenos Aires: Editorial del Instituto Torcuato Di Telia, 1969), pp. 303–22.Google Scholar

6. Mellafe, , “La desruralización de la ciudad hispanoamericana en el siglo XIX,” in Historia y futuro de la ciudad iberoamericana, ed. & comp. Francisco de Solano (Madrid: Universidad Internacional Menéndez Pclayo, 1986), 75–88.Google Scholar

7. The examples are too numerous to cite here. Among the most important recent items that highlight provincial urban-rural relationships in the nineteenth century: Guardino highlights the role of a provincial city (Oaxaca) as a center of peasant electoral and factional politics. Guardino, Peter F. The Time of Liberty: Popular Political Culture in Oaxaca, 1750–1850.Google Scholar Greg Grandin also established a strong role for the highland city of Quetzaltenango in the nineteenth century because of the link between Indian elites and communal rural practices. Grandin, , The Blood of Guatemala: A History of Race and Nation (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Emilio Kouri’s study of peasant vanilla production and the dissolution of collective landownership also highlights the city-rural connection; sec Kouri, , A Pueblo Divided Business, Property, and Community in Papantla, Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004).Google Scholar Gould discusses a revolt similar to the one studied in this essay but does not examine the city elites as a source of ladino power in relation to the indigenous countryside (Gould, Jeffrey L. “¡Vana Ilusión!' The Highlands Indians and the Myth of Nicaragua Mestiza, 1880–1925,” Hispanic American Historical Review 73: 3 (August 1993), pp. 393–429.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. Diario oficial, July 4, 1875, pp. 1–3.

9. Salvador, El Memoria de la secretaría de estado en los ramos de Hacienda y Guerra (San Salvador: Tipografía Nacional, 1875), 62.Google Scholar

10. “Las furias de San Miguel,” El Progreso de Guatemala, July 25, 1875.

11. Reyes, Rafael Nociones de historia del Salvador (San Salvador: Imprenta del Dr. Francisco Sagrini, 1885), p. 594;Google Scholar “Central American Affairs,” New York Times, September 10, 1875.

12. El Progreso de Guatemala, July 11, 1875.

13. Espinoza’s name appears frequently spelled with an s instead of a z. I use here the more common usage.

14. Among these are those of the Canessas, Soto, and Dardano familes; Jimenez, Ramón López Mitras sal vadoreñas (San Salvador: Ministerio de Cultura, 1960), pp. 106–07.Google Scholar Despite their reputation as immigrants and culturally alien to the region, many of these families had resided in the city for decades. The Canessas family, for example, had been around since at least the 1830s. Flores, Angel Mario Monografia histórica de la ciudad de San Miguel (San Miguel, El Salvador, 1975), 36.Google Scholar

15. Consul, U.S. “The Spanish Republics, A Bloody Riot Incited by Priests,” New York Times, July 19, 1875.Google Scholar

16. Alcance del diario oficial, June, 28, 1875, p. 1. There is some disagreement on this in the sources. Following reports that appeared in New York, many international sources claimed that the HMS Fantome had disembarked troops at La Unión, enabling the local garrison to move to suppress the revolt. See “Current History,” The Ladies’ Repository (October 1875), p. 35. But according to reports of the British Navy, the detachment did not leave the port of La Unión. Statistical Report of the Health of the Navy for the Tear 1875 (United Kingdom: House of Commons, 1876), p. 153.

17. From as far away as the westernmost city of Ahuachapán, the brigadier general Francisco Menéndez offered to take his troops to fight for “civilización, por sostenener la ley, y contra el oscurantismo”; Diario oficial, July 8, 1875, p. 2. During the revolt, the government received notices of support from municipalities around the country, including those in Atiquizaya, Santo Domingo, and Nahuizalco; ibid., p. 3. Honduran troops were also sent together with Indian militias from Cacaopcra; Mendoza, Jeremías, “Páginas históricas de la raza Lenca de la República de El Salvador,” in Cuzcatlán típico, Maria de Baratta, vol. 2 (San Salvador: Ministerio de Cultura, 1952), p. 399.Google Scholar

18. Jeremías, Mendoza, “Páginas históricas de la raza Lenca de la República de El Salvador,” in Cuzcatlán típico, Maria de Baratta, Vol. 2 (San Salvador: Ministerio de Cultura, 1952), pp. 398–402.Google Scholar

19. J. Mauricio Duke [U.S.consul in San Salvador], letter to William Hunter, U.S. Second Assistant Secretary of state, July 9, 1875; despatches from U.S. consuls in San Salvador, 1868–1906, NARA.

20. By another account, 150 people were executed after the revolt.

21. “Fifty of the San Miguel (Salvador) Rioters Shot,” New York Times, August 11, 1875.

22. “Las furias de San Miguel,” El Progreso de Guatemala, July 25, 1875.

23. Román Angulo [governor of San Miguel], Carta al comisionado del volcán y Jacatal, July 25, 1875, AGN-CA-SM.

24. Diario oficial 1, 1875, p.6.

25. Diario oficial 11, July 1875, pp. 1–3; “Centrai American Affairs,” New Tork Times, September 10, 1875.

26. Letter from the governor of San Miguel to the mayor of San Miguel, June 27, 1875, AGN-CA-SM.

27. Letter from the governor of San Miguel to the mayor of San Miguel, July 11, 1875, AGN-CA-SM; Alcalde de Moncagua, “Carta al alcalde Jefe de Distrito,” October 12, 1875, AGN-CA-SM. The pressure to recruit was so intense that one mayor reported he could not get people to work on the public roads because the last two he sent had been drafted. The mayor used the phrase “fueron puestos sobre las armas,” which means that they were either recruited or executed. Jacinto Silva [alcalde de Moncagua], letter to the mayor of San Miguel, December 27, 1875, AGN-CA-SM.

28. Angulo, letter to the mayor of San Miguel, July 25, 1875, AGN-CA-SM.

29. Letter from the governor of the department of San Miguel to the mayor of San Miguel, July 11, 1875, AGN-CA-SM; Diario oficial, March 30, 1876, p. 1.

30. Letter from the mayor of Cacaguatique to the mayor of San Miguel, December 25, 1875, AGN-CA-SM.

31. Letter from the governor of the department of San Miguel to the mayor of San Miguel, November 22, 1875, AGN-CA-SM

32. El Projjreso de Guatemala. Passim.

33. “The Spanish Republics, A Bloody Riot.”

34. Barbarena, Santiago I. Monografías departamentales: departamento de San Miguel (San Salvador: Imprenta Nacional, 1911).Google Scholar

35. For example, the Villa de San Alejo was founded on the grounds of a hacienda by colonos. Lots were distributed to each colono. Flores, Monografìa histórica, 28.

36. This refers to formally organized landowning communities that held legal status. For a discussion of the formation of Indian and ladino communities in El Salvador, see Santiago, Lauria An Agrarian Republic: Commercial Agriculture and the Politics of Peasant Communities in El Salvador, 1823-1914 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1999),CrossRefGoogle Scholar chapters 3, 4.

37. Dirección General de Estadística y Censos, Salvador, El, Atlas censal de El Salvador (San Salvador, 1955), p. 100.Google Scholar

38. Flores, Monografía histórica de la Ciudad de San Miguel, 19–20.

39. Flores, , Monografìa histórica, 28.Google Scholar

40. Gálvez, Manuel de “Relación geográfica de la provincia de El Salvador (1740),” Archivo General del la Nación, folleto 27 (1966), mimeograph.Google Scholar

41. The category of ladino includes people of African descent. For a discussion of the invisibility of El Salvador’s people of African ancestry, see Lokken, Paul “Presencia africana en siete comunidades salvadoreñas, 1671-1711: evidencia de los Archivos Eclesiásticos Guatemaltecos,” Repositorio 3 Época, no.2 (2006).Google Scholar

42. Dirección General de Estadística y Censos, Atlas censal (1955), p. 100.

43. Between 1768 and 1878, the department of San Miguel's population increased at a much higher rate than that of the nation as a whole (1.9 percent vs. 1.1 percent); thus, its share of the total population went from 4.4 percent to 9.2 percent. Santiago, Lauria, “An Agrarian Republic: Production, Politics, and the Peasantry in El Salvador, 1740–1920,” Ph.D. diss. (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1992),Google Scholar chapter 2.

44. The department of San Miguel included one other small city (Chinameca) and 16 municipalities.

45. This represents a contrast with the eighteenth century, when most lands were controlled by haciendas. But one of the few land-related records of San Miguel documents how the pardos of San Miguel gathered 1,000 pesos and successfully lobbied directly in Guatemala City for the expansion of the town’s ejidos in 1803. The general pattern after independence was for the decline of estate-based production. “Título ejidal de San Miguel,” reprint, 1853 (1803), typescript.

46. “Lista de operarios de los pueblos de distrito,” 1875, AGN-CA-SM.

47. Lauria Santiago, An Agrarian Republic: Commercial Agriculture, chapter 3.

48. Libro de notaría de hipotecas de San Miguel, 1864, AGN-CI.

49. It is likely that the entries that refer to individuals and not haciendas, meaning that they were indigo processors or merchants who did not produce the plant itself.

50. Haefkens, Jacobo Viaje a Guatemala y Centroamérica, Vols. 1–3 (Sociedad de Geografía e Historia de Guatemala, 1969), p. 80.Google Scholar

51. Ejidos were common lands granted by the colonial government to towns and cities for the use of all residents. Browning discusses the conflicts between haciendas and communal landholdings around San Salvador; Browning, David, El Salvador: Landscape and Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), pp. 76–79.Google Scholar See “Título cjidal de San Miguel,” for a similar conflict around the city of San Miguel, one that led to official recognition of hacienda encroachment upon the city’s ejidos. Unlike the case presented by Browning, the result in the San Miguel area was the apparent extension and formalization of the city’s holdings of municipal lands; (1803) typescript, BGA; “Libro de boletos expedidos en el volcán de San Miguel,” 1877, AGN-CA-SM. See “Solicitud de Don Miguel Hernández como Apoderado de la Municipalidad de San Miguel para Que el S. G. Ceda en Favor de Sus Ejidos la Hda. Guadalupe,” 1873, AGN-CDM; “Título ejidal de San Miguel,” typescript, BGA; “Solicitud de varios vecinos del cantón del volcán sobre que se le midan los terrenos de la hacienda denominada San Bartolomé de Obrajuelo,” 1893, AGN-CM-MG for municipal ejidos.

52. Haefkens, , Viaje, 3, p. 200.Google Scholar

53. “¡Cómo no ha de estar pobre el estado!.” 1833, AGN-CI.

54. Dunlop, Robert Travels in Central America (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1847), p. 19.Google Scholar

55. Gustavus Ferdinand von Tempsky, Mitla: A Narrative of Incidents and Personal Adventures on a Journey in Mexico, Guatemala, and Salvador in the Tears 1853 to 1855 (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans & Roberts, 1858), p. 424.

56. Dunlop, , Travels in Central America, p. 19;Google Scholar Herran, Victor, Notice sur les cinq états du Centre-Amérique (Bordeaux: Imprimerie de A. Pechade, 1853), p. 25;Google Scholar Mrs.Foote, , Recollections of Central America and the West Coast of Africa (London: T. Cautley Newby, 1869), p. 44;Google Scholar and VonTempsky, Mitla, p. 424.

57. Schcrzer, Carl Travels in the Free States of Central America: Nicaragua, Honduras, and San Salvador (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, & Roberts, 1857), pp. 210–11;Google Scholar Haefkens, , Viaje, 1, p. 80.Google Scholar

58. González, Darío Lecciones de geografìa (San Salvador: Imprenta Nacional, 1876), pp. 180–82.Google Scholar

59. Santiago, Lauria An Agrarian Republic: Commercial Agriculture, p. 73.Google Scholar

60. Ibid., chapter 3.

61. González, , Lecciones de geografìa, pp. 180–82.Google Scholar San Miguel also benefited from its proximity to various iron and silver mines. Enault, Louis, L’Amérique Centrale et Meridionale (Paris: F. de P. Mellado et Cié., 1867), p. 96;Google Scholar Ephraim George, Squier Notes on Central America; Particularly the States of Honduras and San Salvador: Their Geography, Topography, Climate, Population, Resources, Productions, Etc., Etc. and the Proposed Honduras Inter-Oceanic Railway (New York: Praeger, 1969), pp. 307,Google Scholar 397; Scherzer, , Travels in the Free States of Central America, p. 133.Google Scholar

62. Gobernador de San Miguel, “Informe al Ministro de lo Interior,” 1870, AGN-CDM [BN-36].

63. Paula Suárez, Francisco de, Noticias generales sobre la República del Salvador, reunidas y publicadas por F. de P. S. (Lima: Tipografía de “la Patria,” 1874), p. 13.Google Scholar

64. Gobernador de San Miguel, “Informe al Ministro de lo Interior,” August 5, 1870, AGN-CDM [BN-36].

65. U.S. Department of State, consular reports, 1874, NABA.

66. However, by the early 1880s a few dozen San Miguel residents came to own farms in the area of the San Miguel volcano that ranged in size between 1 and 20 hectares. “Cuadro de las plantaciones de café, i cacao que hay en la jurisdicción de esta ciudad i principalmente en el volcán,” 1884, AGN-CA-SM. For a more detailed examination of the regional expansion of coffee, see Santiago, Lauria “La historia regional del café en El Salvador,” Revista de Historia (San José), no. 38 (July-December 1998), pp. 9–61.Google Scholar

67. Gaceta oficial, December 4, 1861, p. 1.

68. Barrios, correspondence, AGN Colección Barrios.

69. Tempsky, Von, Mitla, 424.Google Scholar Perhaps a similar sign of this elite culture is the fact that San Miguel was the site of the country’s second university, the Universidad de Oriente, founded in 1872. Flores, , Monografìa histórica, p. 44.Google Scholar

70. Flores, , Monografìa histórica, pp. 42–47.Google Scholar

71. Cárdenas, Joaquín C. Sucesos migueleños (San Miguel, El Salvador, n.p., 1939), p. 262;Google Scholar Rafael Flores Mem-breño, comp., Anuario de El Salvador (San Miguel, El Salvador: Centro Editorial La Nación, 1927); Lauria Santiago, An Agrarian Republic: Commercial Agriculture, chapter 5.

72. Monterrey, Francisco J. Historia de El Salvador: anotaciones cronológicas I (San Salvador: Talleres Gráficos Cisncros, 1978), p. 227.Google Scholar

73. According to one historian “el pueblo se echó sobre la guarnición.” Reyes, Nociones de historia del Salvador, p. 400.

74. The persistence of local opposition to state authorities became clear when in February the officer who subdued this revolt turned against the government after he was replaced by a new governor who was acceptable to the rebellious Migueleños. Col. Benitez went in March to occupy the town of San Vicente and moved on to Zacatecoluca. This was just after the government had defeated another, more threatening movement by the Indians of Santiago Nonualco, who had also taken San Vicente. Monterrey, , Historia de El Salvador, Vol. 1, pp. 230–32.Google Scholar

75. Boletín oficial del gobierno, no. 51, second part, January 7, 1834.

76. Lauria Santiago, An Agrarian Republic: Commercial Agriculture, chapter 7.

77. Flores Membreño, Anuario de El Salvador.

78. Flores, , Monografìa histórica, p. 42.Google Scholar

79. Ibid., p. 44.

80. Ibid.

81. Ibid.

82. John Tearon, vice consul to VV. H. Steward, La Unión, May 31, 1865, U.S. Department of State. Dispatches from U.S. consuls in San Salvador; Flores, , Monografìa histórica, pp. 44–45.Google Scholar

83. Boletín del pueblo, no. 1, San Salvador, May 19, 1865

84. El Constitucional, May 1, 1865; John Tearon, vice-consul to W. H. Steward, La Unión, May 31, 1865; “Adhesiones al Presidente Dueñas,” May 19, 1865, AGN-CC [Ml.6 Exp. #138]; Adoáin, Esteban de and Lázaro, De Aspurz Memorias: Cuarenta años de campañas misioneras en Venezuela, Cuba, Guatemala, El Salvador, Francia y España, 1842–1880 (Caracas: Universidad Católica Andrés Bello: Vicepostualación Esteban de Adoáin, 2000), pp. 248–49.Google Scholar

85. Monterrey, , Historia de El Salvador, Boletín del pueblo, no. 5, June 2, 1865.Google Scholar

86. Cardenal, Rodolfo El poder eclesiástico en El Salvador, 1871–1931 (San Salvador: UCA Editores, 1980),Google Scholar chapter 2.

87. Santiago, Launa “Los indígenas de Cojutepeque, la política faccional y el estado nacional en El Salvador, 1830–1890,” in Construcción de las identidades y del estado moderno en Centroamerica, ed. Taracena, Arturo (San José: UCA Editores/CEMCA/FLACSO, 1995).Google Scholar

88. Portillo, Antonio Domingo, alcalde de Santo, “Carta al mariscal presidente don Santiago Gonzáles,” July 22, 1872, AGN-CDM [BN-39].Google Scholar

89. Cardenal, El poder eclesiástico en El Salvador, chapters 2–3.

90. No proof of this connection has surfaced in the archival record.

91. Documentos y comentarios relativos a las cuestiones entre Guatemala y El Salvador (Guatemala, 1876).

92. Huezo, José María, “Reminiscencias históricas de un testigo ocular en las cuales ha tomado parte activa como militar,” comp. Gallardo, Miguel Angel, in Papeles históricos (San Salvador: Editorial Lea, 1977), p. 166;Google Scholar “’Los mismos agricultores Tinecos’, Réplica de ‘Los Tinecos Agricultores’ á la contestación dada por el presbítero don Manuel Palacios” (Imprenta de La Democracia, 1872); Solicitud al SPE, September 22, 1868, AGN-CDM [BN-31].

93. Gobernador de La Libertad, “Carta al Ministro del Interior sobre la probabilidad de una revuelta en Opico contra los que propusieron al gobierno abolir las comunidades de Indios y Ladinos,” October 21, 1872, AGN-CQ.

94. Orellana, Alejandro and Orellana, Carlos, Sonsonate histórico e informativo (San Salvador: Imprenta Nacional, 1960), p. 43.Google Scholar

95. According to Bancroft, “Their head men were arrested and imprisoned some months, until, promising good behavior in the future, they were released.” However, sources cited in the official newspaper accused the priest of Izalco of planning a revolt similar to that of San Miguel. Apparently, he had refused to lead a procession, blaming the government for his fear of being arrested, which presumably predisposed sectors of the population against the authorities. Bancroft, Hubert Howe History of the Pacific States of North America, Vol. 3 (San Francisco: The History Company, Publishers, 1887), p. 400.Google Scholar

96. In other work I have tried to revise interpretations of peasant politics and mobilizations that rely on liberal-conservative dichotomies that traditionally identify Indian peasant communities as allies or dupes of priests, knee-jerk allies of conservative forces, or simply pawns of elite political factionalism.

97. Burguess explains the politics of the period: “Laguerra con El Salvador parecerá intricadísima a quienes no conocen la política latinoamericana. La situación … la provocó un conservador de la vieja escuela (Medina) que trataba de derrocar a un liberal conocido como conservador de corazón. Este conservador liberal es ayudado por otros dos del mismo jaez, quienes, mientras profesan ser liberales, patrocinan una revolución conservadora. Pero las dos facciones verdaderamente conservadoras no pueden unirse porque una está comprometida con un conservador liberal, en tanto que la otra trata de derrocarlo. Así que el ultraconservador y el ultraliberal se unen y el telón cae sobre la comedia de errores en la que un convenio—que ninguna de las dos partes tiene la menor intención de cumplir—se celebre finalmente a falta de un medio mejor para arreglar sus asuntos.” Burgess, Paul Justo Rufino Barrios (Guatemala: Editorial Universitaria de Guatemala, 1972), pp. 240–41.Google Scholar

98. Malaina, Santiago La Compañía de Jesús en El Salvador, Centro America, desde 1864 a 1872 (San Salvador: Imprenta Nacional, 1939), p. 38.Google Scholar

99. Vilanova, Santiago Ricardo, Apuntamientos de historia patria eclesiástica (San Salvador: Imprenta Diario de El Salvador, 1911), p. 217.Google Scholar

100. “Informe al SPE sobre pérdidas ocurridas en la insurrección del 15 de abril de 1865,” 1867, AGN-CQ. The subsequent history of this town showed that these Indian peasants did not need a priest to direct the protection of their lands. A few years after the revolt a local hacendado complained that they had taken control of certain baldíos located between his hacienda and the town’s ejidos and claimed in their entirety by the town's Indian peasants; Dirección General de Estadística y Censos, Atlas censal (1955), p. 100.’

101. “Replica de ‘Los Tinecos Agricultores’ a la contestación dada por el presbítero Don Manuel Palacios,” leaflet, Imprenta de la Democracia, 1872, AGN-CImp.

102. “‘Unos Tinecos agricultores’,” San Martín, March 1, 1872, BGA.

103. Diario oficial, June 30, 1875, pp. 1–3.

104. Vilanova, , Apuntamientos, p. 217.Google Scholar

105. Ibid.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid.

108. The hateful tone of the sermon was reported in the Diario oficial and repeated abroad in many publications. See “Topics of the Day,” Prairie Farmer, July 24, 1875, p. 46.

109. That the statements did not follow and often contradicted earlier government statements about the revolt merits a degree of trust in their origin. One witness mentioned only two wounds on Espinoza’s body; the Diario oficial claimed he had been mutilated. In the end, the fact that the government was mostly interested in proving any level of involvement by Palacios as a tool in its attempt to control the Church, and not terribly interested in disproving other sources of the revolt, provides some reassurance that the testimonies were actual and not coerced or contrived.

110. Vilanova, , Apuntamientos, p. 217.Google Scholar

111. “Promovido por el presbítero Manuel Palacios, que asesinó al Comandante General Felipe Espinoza y cometió toda clase de crímenes.” Escamilla, Miguel, Compendio de historia de Centro-américa (San Salvador: Impresora Nacional, 1895), p. 129.Google Scholar

112. Dirección General de Estadística y Censos, Atlas censal (1955), p. 100.

113. Martínez, José María “Historia de Cojutepeque,” in Papeles históricos, ed. & comp. Gallardo, Miguel Angel (Santa Tecla, El Salvador: Editorial Lea, 1975), p. 271.Google Scholar Apparently the pleadings of the president’s wife were at least partially responsible for the reduction of Palacios’s sentence. On the exile, see “The San Miguel Riots,” New York Times, July 27, 1875; El Progreso de Guatemala, July 4, 1875.

114. U.S.. consul; “A Bloody Riot Incited by Priests,” New York Times, July 19, 1875.

115. Figeac, José F. Recordatorio histórico de la República de El Salvador (San Salvador: Talleres Gráficos Cis-neros), p. 259.Google Scholar

116. J. Mauricio Duke, letter to William Hunter.

117. Figeac, Recordatorio histórico de la República de El Salvador.

118. “La comuna de San Miguel,” Diario oficial, June 27, 1875, pp. 1–2.

119. La Causa del Padre Palacios (San Salvador: Imprenta Nacional, 1875).

120. Vilanova, , Apuntamientos, pp. 217–19.Google Scholar

121. The owners of the almacenes that were attacked were also referred to as “los húngaros.” “Instructiva para averiguar los autores, cómplices y encubridores de los delitos de sedición, asesinato, incendio y robo cometidos en los días 20, 21 y 22 de junio en San Miguel,” Fiscalía Específica, San Miguel, 1875, BG.

122. For a general discussion of Saint Bartholomew’s Day, see the Catholic Encyclopedia at: http://www.nevvadvent.org/cathen/13333b.htm.

123. “Instructiva para averiguar los autores, cómplices y encubridores.”

124. J. Mauricio Duke, letter to William Hunter; Barbarena, Santiago I. Monografías departamentales: Departamento de San Miguel, 33.Google Scholar

125. Scherzer comments that hundreds of Indians from the dozens of settlements outside the city gathered in the San Miguel market to exchange their “little productions” for tobacco, clothing, and brandy. Scherzer, Travels in the Free States of Central America, pp. 210–11. The move to the new market would be delayed until 1885. Flores, Monografía histórica, p. 55.

126. Cárdenas, Sucesos migueleños, p. 264.

127. Jiménez, López Mitras salvadoreñas, pp. 106–7.Google Scholar

128. Malaina, La Compañía de Jesús en El Salvador.

129. Pablo Aguirre [alcalde de San Miguel], “Certificación de actas municipales sobre imposición de candidatos,” December 2, 1870, AGN-CQ.

130. Ibid.

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