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Woodrow Wilson as Legislative Leader and Administrator*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 September 2013

Arthur W. Macmahon
Affiliation:
Columbia University

Extract

A portrayal of Woodrow Wilson's legislative leadership and administive methods has more uses than as a reminder of achievements durably impressive in themselves. His practice partly answered his own unresolved thinking about the presidency; in turn it implied theories that serve as foils in looking at later developments. The centennial of Wilson's birth is a fitting time to recount the story drawing on memoirs that accumulated after his death. The emphasis may well be on domestic policy in view of the greater attention that has been given to Wilson's role in war and peace.

First we must examine the prior development of Wilson's thinking about the presidency. Our concern is the working conception of the office of American elected chief executives that he had come to hold by the time of his full entrance into public life.

As a college senior Wilson wrote on “Cabinet Government in the United States.” He deplored, as real cause of solicitude and doubt, “the absorption of all power by a legislature which is practically irresponsible for its acts.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1956

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References

1 International Review, Aug. 1879, Vol. 7, pp. 146163Google Scholar. The text is given in Baker, R. S. and Dodd, W. E., ed., The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson. College and State. (New York, Vol. 1, pp. 1942)Google Scholar. Also republished in booklet form with an introductory chapter by Thomas K. Finletter. (Stamford, Conn, 1947.) The Wilson centennial has been marked by the publication of a volume of selections from his speeches and writings, edited by Heckscher, August, The Politics of Woodrow Wilson, (New York, 1956)Google Scholar.

2 H.R. 214. 38th Congress, H. Rept. 43, April 6, 1864. For discussion March 3, 1865, see Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 2nd Sess., new series no. 88, App., pp. 103–108. The bill provided that, in addition to giving department heads the right to attend at any time and “to participate in matters relative to the business of their departments,” they must come twice a week “to give information in reply to questions which may be pro-pounded to them under the rules of the House.” Pendleton himself said: “If I believed that it would increase the power of the Executive I would abandon it at once.”

3 S. 227; 46th Congress, 1st Sess., discussed in an interchange between Senators Pendleton and Morrill on April 28, 1879, Congressional Record, Vol. 9, pp. 966–74Google Scholar; reported favorably by a select committee of ten on February 4, 1881, 46th Congress, 3rd Sess., Vol. 11, p. 1201, S. Rept. 837. Reintroduced without result as S. 307 in the 47th Congress, 1st Sess., Vol. 13, p. 53, Dec. 8, 1881.

4 Nation, April 3, 1873, Vol. 16, pp. 233–34Google Scholar. “Mr. Bradford,” it said, “thinks that the true way is to give cabinet ministers seats in Congress. His idea ia that by this means we can secure what is so much needed, ‘national representation’.” See Link, Arthur S., Wilson, The Road to the White House. (Princeton, 1947), p. 17Google Scholar.

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95 In mid-1913 House is said to have relayed to the President the indignation of the Cabinet members because meetings had been cut to one a week; in December the biweekly meetings were resumed. Smith, Arthur D. Howden, Mr. House of Texas. (New York, 1940), p. 94Google Scholar.

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108 Glass, op. cit., p. 272. Houston in his recollections made the general observation: “He respected the independence of such bodies as the Interstate Commerce Commission, the Civil Service, the Federal Trade, and the Tariff Commissions.” Op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 189.

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119 Ibid., Vol. 8, p. 41.

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