Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-v5vhk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-23T22:40:40.214Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Party Organization in Philadelphia: The Ward Committeeman

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 September 2013

John T. Salter
Affiliation:
University of Wisconsin

Extract

“They asked me my party; I told them Republican. That's Sam Lit's party, ain't it?” The speaker was a small, dark-visaged young man. He had addressed his question to Mr. Lit's partner on the ward committee in the first ward. It was the night of registration day, and the young Italian had just registered. Not only were the genius of the Republican party, its traditional issues, and the great leaders from Abraham Lincoln and Theodore Roosevelt to Herbert Hoover obliterated, or non-existent, to him, but the important local issues of the impending (1931) mayoralty and councilmanic campaigns as well. The one thing in the party process that mattered was the personality of Sam Lit, the ward committeeman. This potential voter is one of the thousands in America's third city that illustrate the general statement: “We cannot be much interested in, or moved by, the things we do not see. Of public affairs, each of us sees very little, and therefore they remain dull and unappetizing until somebody with the makings of an artist has translated them into a moving picture. …Being flesh and blood, we will not feed on words and names and grey theory.”

Type
American Government and Politics
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1933

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Lippmann, Walter, Public Opinion, p. 161Google Scholar.

2 The ward leader is so powerful or resourceful in certain wards that he can usually determine the outcome of a committeeman election. That is, his support or opposition will elect or defeat a candidate. There were six contestants for the ward committee in one division in an industrial ward. The leader called five of the contestants into his City Hall office and asked them to withdraw: “Now ain't the time for you to run; besides, if you get it, I won't recognize you. Drop out quietly now, and I'll do something for you later.” Four dropped out and the fifth was beaten. However, in the more independent wards, contests for seats on the ward committee are determined largely by the candidates themselves.

3 There are some women among the party organization workers, and in 1932 seven were elected to the ward committee—four in a river ward, one in an old Penrose ward, and two in the independent Germantown sector. However, as in the case of the men, one of these women is on the committee in name only. Her brother, a rather old man and the occupant of a position under the city charter, is the real committeeman. He makes a perfunctory gesture toward the charter provisions that deny a municipal employee the privilege of engaging in politics; he engages in politics just the same, but under his sister's name. It may be added that this small group of women reflect the constituencies that they represent exactly as the greater number of male committeemen do.

4 See Claude E. Robinson, Straw Votes, Chap. 1.

5 Testimony of Harry A. Mackey, ward leader and former mayor of Philadelphia, before special committee investigating expenditures in senatorial primary and general elections, United States Senate; Senate Resolution 195, p. 575.

6 To illustrate what is meant by personal service, I submit the following record of telephone calls asking for a committeeman's help during a seven-day period. This committeeman's constituents are mostly Italian laboring people, many of whom own, or partially own, their homes. The record was kept for me by the wife of the committeeman—a former student of mine at the University of Pennsylvania. He is now an attorney. This means that he is called upon by the other committeemen in his ward (when legal services are required) as well as by his own people.

Tuesday, March 23

Call from Fred Harkins. Case in his division—horse killed by truck; hearing next morning before Magistrate X.

Kavellara called. Accident—boy struck by car—he lives in X division; the hearing to be at police station at 8 a.m. next morning.

Mussa called for advice about marital troubles.

Baronet called to get help from the welfare committee; his family without food.

Russilla called to get help from welfare committee; has no money for rent.

Dr. Trollo asked for advice about a judgment on his property.

Celia: help from welfare—shoes for children.

NiTillo (another committeeman) called to see about getting a man in his division out of jail.

Florano called for advice in order to get help from welfare committee.

Savinsky sent by X (another committeeman) in an accident case; hearing to be Wednesday morning.

Wednesday, March 24

Tarpillo: officer in trouble, summoned before police board.

Mussa called again in reference to the difficulty he is having with his wife and another man.

Marie Zeldna: Husband beat her, wants warrant for arrest.

Thursday, March 25

Two men called at 7:30 a.m. asking for Mr. V. (the committeeman), then asked for his office address; said they must see him at once.

Dr. Triflis: arrested for assault and battery; taken to magistrate, and V. had him released on his own bail; hearing next Tuesday morning.

Sam the grocer called in reference to a bad check he gave Mr. V.

Friday, March 26

Zaluski called about hearing the following morning. (V. had him discharged.)

Turkin called to get help from welfare committee.

Warner called about a liquor case in which he was involved; called again at night.

Saturday, March 27

Was not at home.

Sunday, March 28

Dr. Jenkins (another committeeman) called in early morning about a case in his division. (V. went to see him and a party organization man named Fred.)

Rucco called to get the assessment on his property lowered.

V. called committeeman X. about a magistrate's case for one of his voters.

Monday, March 29

Jim Wallace came to see about settling a case (a voter in Dr. Jenkin's division).

Fallatina called about getting release from arrest because of non-support.

Celia: little boy came about help from welfare committee.

Nun came: gave her a pair of shoes and two pair hose.

7 Personal interview with William S. Vare at his home in Atlantic City, August 19, 1931.

8 For intimate studies of successful ward committeemen or division leaders, see my articles: “Close-up of a Ward Politician”, Harper's Magazine, March, 1933Google Scholar; “Tony Nicollo”, Yale Review, Summer, 1933Google Scholar; and my book, to be published by Harper and Brothers during the coming fall.

9 Of course, the observer in the figurative airplane would not be infallible. The geography of the area and the relative wealth of its people are persuasive, but not always controlling, factors in determining strongly organized controlled divisions and wards. The strength of the organization is not confined to, although it is most certain to be found in, slum areas or divisions where the people are foreign born, colored, or living on low economic planes. However, the human factor must be considered here, just as it cannot be ignored in the sale of life insurance—an energetic and resourceful division leader may establish absolute control in a district that might normally tend toward independency. His problem is more difficult, but his results may be comparable to those obtained in some of the most effectively manned divisions of the first twenty wards. Sammy Dunbar's division is a case in point. Mr. Dunbar is chief clerk of the Mercantile Appraiser's office and former chairman of the 46th ward committee. He is short and slender, with dark hair and eyes, and a smooth talker. He was formerly a secretary to Penrose and then a key man for Grundy in Philadelphia, and now Vare's choice (June, 1933) for the City Committee. In five recent intra-party fights, he carried his division for his faction each time. His division borders on Cobb's Creek Park, at the extreme western end of the 46th ward, and his people are substantially well off. The number of Sammy Dunbars in Philadelphia is limited (Clarence M. Freedman in the 34th ward is one), but whereever one is found he is likely to be the controlling factor in his area.

10 The division leader does not stand alone. He necessarily is a member of a ward organization that is headed by the ward leader. Whether or not the ward organization is strong or weak may depend on the character of its general leadership rather than on its component parts, i.e., the individual ward committeemen. If the leader is a man of discernment and truth and has the desire to strengthen his organization, he is almost certain to have a fine spirit of loyalty among his men, true morale, and a group normally invincible, in peace or in war. The percentage of strong producers on his committee will be high; these individuals have every incentive to do their best. They know good work will be recognized. Such conditions obtain in the 24th ward, which is an excellent illustration of what one man—Blakely McCaughn—did during the period of his leadership to make a weak, unstable ward solidly organization. A near-by ward with many of the same nationality and religious groups, economic and cultural classes—one as easily controlled for the organization as the 24th—is weak and unstable in primaries and elections. I think that this is due to the character of its leader. He is not a man of his word—his promises are easily given and broken. He is so definitely a man of sporting proclivities that his attention wavers from politics. His appointments are frequently given for personal, rather than political, reasons; many men—I know four and have information concerning others—leave this ward committee and go where their good deeds will not be forgotten. Because morale is lacking in this organization, less than 20 per cent of the committeemen are strong producers—that is, capable of carrying their divisions in any fight. The average committeeman may say: “Why should I work and serve the people? I get no credit—the leader appoints a relative or a friend to the City Hall jobs.” The ambitious committeeman here can attempt to align himself with some force outside of his ward, or he can move away to the ward of a great leader, or he can just drift along. The statement that everyone in politics is influenced by everyone else in politics is particularly true in the division leaderward leader relationship.

11 Each year, the members of the ward committee, in each respective ward, elect a member to the City Committee. Membership in the Committee often, however, comes merely by appointment by William S. Vare or other powerful leaders in the organization, rather than by independent expression of opinion on the part of the ward-committeemen, who are either job-holders, relatives of job-holders, or men who hope to obtain a job. When Vare says, “There is your leader—elect him,” the ward committee follows orders.

The last time that the ward committees met was on June 5. The news items of the following day are typical of many of these annual meetings. The following quotation explains much: “Republican committees in the 50 wards of the city met last night to elect members of the City Committee, and the Vare organization made a clean sweep. The outstanding fight centered in the 46th ward, where William S. Vare crushed former Mayor Harry A. Mackey. He elected his hand-picked candidate, Samuel Dunbar, over Councilman Maurice E. Levick, a Mackey follower, by a vote of 91 to 56. Both sides made charges of the use of money, and both sides bartered jobs in an effort to win votes. The Pinchot administration made an alliance with Mackey, and it was said last night that 12 state jobs had been definitely promised to committeemen who voted for Levick in defiance of threats that they would lose city or county places.” Philadelphia Record, June 6, 1933. Governor Pinchot is “on his way out.” Yet if he had supplied more jobs, or if Mackey had still had the mayor's patronage at his disposal, the outcome might have been different. A committeeman's future often depends upon his ability to pick the stronger leader.

Mackey and Vare are now enemies, although in 1926 Mackey made Vare United States senator, and in 1927 Vare in return made Mackey mayor of Philadelphia. Mackey has been leader of the 46th ward and until this year he, or his man, has been on the City Committee. Last year, he put Councilman Levick there. Vare wanted to weaken Mackey by preventing his follower from returning to the City Committee. He deposed the councilman in a public rebuke given at a 46th ward “harmony” meeting four days before the official choice was made. He did this in spite of Levick's repudiation of Mackey and declaration for “the big fellow.” The councilman said: “I've been a member of the ward committee nearly 20 years, and I've been in the council ten years. I never digressed one iota from the principles and policies of the Republican Campaign Committee. When I say that, I mean Mr. Vare, the Vare I've followed and been for all the time.” Levick then introduced Vare; the room rang with applause. The leader is physically weak, and his voice is often inaudible. He made a few feeble remarks, and his son-in-law, Dr. Shaw, read a statement that Vare, or some one working for Vare, had prepared earlier. Pertinent extracts are: “After hearing Mr. Levick's statement, I am satisfied it is not to the interest of the greatest number of the committeemen of the ward or of the organization. [Of course, the writer of the statement prepared it before he had seen or heard Councilman Levick's speech.] Mr. Dunbar is the candidate for the office, and I want to assure the committeemen who are officeholders that they are in no danger of dismissal should they cast their votes for him.” (Philadelphia Record, June 6, 1933.) Italics mine.

Submit a response

Comments

No Comments have been published for this article.