¹ Schermerhorn, R. A. in “Minorities: European and American,” Phylon 20 (June 1959), 178–185CrossRefGoogle Scholar, cites Wirth, Louis “Problems of Minority Groups” from Linton, Ralph (ed.), The Science of Man in the World Crisis (New York, 1954)Google Scholar on four types of minority orientation: pluralistic, assimilative, secessionist and militant. The research for the present paper was done while the author was a Fulbright Research Professor in India in 1963–64 on leave from Bates College. The paper was delivered at the annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies in New York, April, 1966.

² Smith, Donald E., India as a Secular State (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), p. 40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Hardy, P., “Traditional Muslim Views of the Nature of Politics” in Philips, C. H. (ed.), Politics and Society in India (London: Allen & Unwin, 1963), pp. 24–38Google Scholar.

³ Gopal, Ram, Indian Muslims, a Political History 1858–1947 (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1959), pp. 266–269Google Scholar.

⁴ E.g., Palmer, Norman D., The Indian Political System (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1961), p. 212Google Scholar.

⁵ Smith, Wilfred Cantwell, Islam in Modern History (New York: New American Library, 1959), p. 276Google Scholar.

⁶ See Faruqi, Ziya-ul-Hasan, The Deoband School and the Demand for Pakistan (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1963)Google Scholar.

⁷ Gupta, Sisir K., “Moslems in Indian Politics, 1947–1960,” India Quarterly, Vol. XVIII (10-Dec., 1962), p. 366Google Scholar; Link, Indian Newsmagazine, May 28, 1961, quoted Sadiq Ali, General Secretary of the A.I.C.C., as saying, “We are against the League and not the Leaguers.”

⁸ Titus, Murray T., Islam in India and Pakistan (Calcutta: Y.M.C.A. Publishing House, 1959)Google Scholar, Chapter III.

⁹ True, in the North, Urdu developed as a lingua franca between the Persian-speaking Muslim conquerors and their Hindu subjects, but this tongue has now come to be identified largely with Muslims and is rejected, along with the Persian alphabet, by many North Indian Hindus in favor of Sanskritized Hindi, written in Devanagari script, so Urdu has become a bone of contention instead of a bridge between communities.

¹⁰ I am excluding the Deccan where Muslim rule lasted six hundred years so the situation is more comparable to North India's.

¹¹ See my “Muslim Legislators in India, Profile of a Minority Elite,” Journal of Asian Studies 23 (02 1964), p. 262Google Scholar.

¹² Personal interview, M.S. Abdul Majeed, May 19, 1964. The Provincial League President, Syed Mohammed Pasha, however, also emigrated.

¹³ See “Betrayal of Muslims” in Tarjuman, 1 (05 15, 1963), pp. 3–7Google Scholar and his own account in Pathway to Pakistan, (Lahore: Longman's Green, 1961)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ See Hardgrave, Robert L. Jr., “The D.M.K. and the Politics of Tamil Nationalism,” Pacific Affairs, 37 (Winter 1964–65), 396–411CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Eugene F. Irschick's forthcoming Politics and Social Conflict in India; the non-Brahmin Movement and Tamil Separatism 1916–29.

¹⁵ Malabar District in the old Madras State had 34% Muslims, Census of India 1951, Vol. III, Part IIB Tables, p. 145; Kozhikode District (Calicut) of Kerala State has 42% Muslims, Census of India, Paper No. 1 of 1963, 1961 Census—Religion, p. 15.

¹⁶ Ram Gopal, op. cit., p. 101.

₁₇ Sahib, K. M. Seethi, “The Progress of the Muslim League in Kerala,” in Kerala State Muslim League Souvenir, (Calicut, 1959), pp. 7–30Google Scholar (Translated by U. A. Beeran) says there were no branches outside Madras City before 1935; Bahadur, Lal, The Muslim League, its History, Activities and Achievements, (Agra: Agra Book Store, 1954), pp. 27, 246Google Scholar, attributes the founding of the League in Madras to Seth Yakub Hasan, who was expelled in 1937 for accepting a place in the Congress ministry.

¹⁸ Kerala Muslim Directory, (Cochin: Kerala Publications, 1960), pp. 378–395Google Scholar (Translated by K. Vijaya Raghavan).

¹⁹ Times of India, Indian Year Book and Who's Who, 1937–38, 1947; there was some talk of carving out a “Moplahstan” in Malabar. Tarjuman, Vol. I, No. 3 (06 1, 1963), p. 5Google Scholar.

²⁰ The following account is taken from Khan's, RazaTarjuman, Vol. I, Nos. 14–15 (12 1, 1963), pp. 3–6Google Scholar and from The Tamilnad Muslim League Conference (September 17–18, 1960) Report Presented by Mr. K. T. M. Ahmed Ibrahim, General Secretary.

²¹ Tarjuman, Vol. II, No. 1 (05 1, 1964), pp. 3–7Google Scholar; and Donald E. Smith, op. cit., p. 409.

²² Election Manifesto of Indian Union Muslim League, issued in connection with the General Election, 1962, published by M. Mohammed Ismail Saheb, Chromepet, Madras, January 1962, p. 36.

²³ Personal interview with Haji Noor Mohammed Ahmed Sait, Jan. 13, 1964. Six Congress Muslims, two Communist and one P.S.P. were also elected. Municipal Councillors' List, Bombay, 09 1961Google Scholar.

²⁴ LaPonce, J. A., “Protection of Minorities by the Electoral System,” Western Political Quarterly, 10 (1957), pp. 324, 338CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ The terms are taken from von der Mehden, Fred R., Politics in the Developing Nations (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1964)Google Scholar.

₂₆ Times of India, Indian and Pakistan Year-book and Who's Who, 1949, p. 509Google Scholar.

²⁷ “All India Muslim League Meeting in Karachi,” Tarjuman, Vol. I, No. 16 (12 15, 1963), pp. 10–12Google Scholar.

²⁸ Tarjuman, Vol. I, No. 2 (05 15, 1963), pp. 3–7Google Scholar.

²⁹ Resolutions Passed at the Meeting of the Council of the Indian Union Muslim League Held on 10-3-48 at Madras, Madras, 1948Google Scholar, and personal interview with P. P. Hasan Koya, April 13, 1964. Emphasis added.

³⁰ Constitution of the Indian Union Muslim League (Passed at the meeting of the Council held on 1st September 1951). Emphasis added.

³¹ Farookhi, Abdul Latif in Madras Legislative Council Debates, 1952, Vol. VII, 03 20, 1952, p. 188Google Scholar.

³² Sheriff, K. T. to Ismail, M. Mohammed, 14-8-1961, in Correspondence Between Members of the Council of the Indian Union Muslim League and its President Mr. M. Mohammed Ismail Sahib, Madras, 1961, p. 16Google Scholar.

³³ Report of K. T. M. Ahmed Ibrahim, op. cit., pp. 12–13.

³⁴ Seethi Sahib, op. cit.; Kamaraj's role is explained in R. Bhaskaran, “Aspects of Political Leadership in Madras,” unpublished paper delivered at the Round Table of the International political Science Association, Bombay, Jan., 1964.

³⁵ Debates 1954, Vol. VII, pp. 347Google Scholar, March 9, 1954; for the Malabar meeting, see The Hindu, Oct. 25, 1953.

³⁶ Census of India, Paper No. 1 of 1963, 1961 Census—Religion, p. 15.

³⁷ A Question in the Legislative Council (Debates, 1955, Vol. X, 03 17, 1955, p. 562Google Scholar) elicited the information that in 1954, 332 speeches in the Council were still in English and only 34 in Tamil; the number was more nearly even in the Assembly: 596 and 515 respectively. S. K. Ahmed Meeran estimates that about 90% of Madras State Muslims have Tamil as mother tongue and only 10% Urdu. Personal interview, May 13, 1964.

³⁸ Correspondence, op. cit., Raza Khan, M. S. A. Majid and K. T. Sheriff to M. Mohammed Ismail, August 5, 1961, pp. 4–5.

³⁹ Ayyar, R. V. Krisna, ed., All India Election Guide (Madras: Oriental Publishers, 1956), p. 72Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Constitution of the Indian Union Muslim League, op. cit.

⁴¹ Hindu, Aug. 21, Sept. 4, 14, Oct. 4, 1961. The whole episode seems to contradict Myron Weiner's finding that “the greatest enthusiasm for splits [in minor parties/ has come from the rank and file …,” Party Politics in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), pp. 229, 240Google Scholar.

⁴² Resolutions of the First Madras District Conference, All India Muslim League, held on 11 3, 1963, p. 2Google Scholar.

⁴³ M. S. A. Majid denies this (personal interview, May 19, 1964) but Raza Khan admits that the support given their organization by the Madras Congress hurt them with their own community (interview, May 24, 1964).

⁴⁴ Link, Nov. 12, 1961, p. 14Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Siraat, Nov. 1, 1961, p. 1Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Link, Dec. 3, 1961; Siraat, Feb. 16, 1962.

⁴⁷ Siraat, Jan. 1, 1965, p. 8Google Scholar, mentions his presence at a meeting of the Indian Union Muslim League at Cannanore along with Ismail, Bafakhy Thangal and Abdus Samad.

⁴⁸ “The Age of Renaissance” in Kerala Muslim Directory, op. cit., pp. 303–316 (Translated by K. Vijaya Raghavan).

⁴⁹ K. P. Keshava Menon and U. A. Beeran, personal interviews, April 15, April 12, 1964.

⁵⁰ Singh, Jitendra, “Communism in Kerala,” Political Quarterly, 31 (April 1960), p. 189CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵¹ In my chapter in Smith's, Donald E. forth-coming Religion and Politics in South Asia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), IGoogle Scholar argue that Congress factional politics have not been as beneficial to the Muslim Community as genuine multiparty competition. This conclusion also seems implicit in Brass, Paul R., Factional Politics in an Indian State (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), pp. 146, 184Google Scholar.

⁵² Hindu, 08 9, 1959, p. 10Google Scholar.

⁵³ E.g., the Congress Socialist Forum (Hindu, sept. 23, 1959), Rahman, Maulana Hifzur (Hindu, 08 4, 1959)Google Scholar, Moideenkutty, P. K., (Hindu, 11 30, 1959)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Koya, C. H. Mohammed, Kerala Ministry Formation and the Muslim League, (Calicut: Green House, 1960)Google Scholar (Translated by U. A. Beeran); Personal interview with Syed Abdur Rahiman Bafakhy Thangal, April 15, 1964.

⁵⁵ In 1937 Nehru prevented a Congress—League coalition in the United Provinces which might conceivably have forestalled partition. See Ram Gopal, op. cit., pp. 247–249.

⁵⁶ Manifesto of the Indian Union Muslim League with Particular Reference to Kerala State, (Chromepet, Madras, 1959)Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Hindu, May 30, p. 5; June 7, p. 1; Aug. 13, 1961, p. 7.

⁵⁸ Koya, C. H. Mohammed, Muslim League and the Kerala Assembly Speaker Problem (Calicut: Green House, 1961)Google Scholar (Translated by U. A. Beeran). Unlike the Madras case (Footnote 41), this seems to fit Myron Weiner's proposition.

⁵⁹ Personal interview with P. P. Hasan Koya, April 13, 1964.

⁶⁰ Hindu, Oct. 9, p. 6; Oct. 12, 1961, p. 11; C. K. Govindan Nair, K.P.C.C. President and always hostile to the League, is said to have been instrumental in this decision, winning out over Chacko and Shanker, who replaced the P.S.P. Chief Minister in Sept. 1962.

⁶¹ New York Times, Nov. 11, 1961.

⁶² Morris-Jones, W. H., The Government and Politics of India, (London: Hutchinson, 1964), p. 33Google Scholar.

⁶³ Farookhi commented bitterly afterwards (Debates, op. cit.), “If we had put forward reasonable demands the Congress or Praja Party or the Communist would have given us enough opportunities [i.e., nominations] and the number of Muslims in the new legislature would have been much more than what it is. I have not gone … with a begging bowl … to any party and asked for their ticket. I stood as an Independent and got defeated. It was the duty of some party or other to ask me to stand on their ticket, but they did not do so. I have played my part well … did not flatter government or cringe.” Another former Muslim legislator told me he advised Kamaraj to put up one Muslim candidate in each district to win the minority's confidence but was told they must command at least 20% of their own community's votes and be able to raise thirty thousand rupees for the campaign.

⁶⁴ Kogekar, S. V. and Park, R. L., Reports on the Indian General Elections, 1951–52, (Bombay: Popular Book Depot, 1956), p. 89Google Scholar, say there was an alliance between the League and the Scheduled Caste Federation for this seat and one at Kalyandrug in Anantapur.

⁶⁵ Correspondence, op. cit., M. S. A. Majid to M. Mohammed Ismail Saheb, 14-8-61, pp. 14–15. Raza Khan sat first as an Independent and then joined the United Party, a purely legislative group. Debates, 1953, Vol. V, 07 25, 1953, p. 357Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ On the background of Congress weakness in Madras, see Rudolph, Lloyd, “Urban Life and Populist Radicalism; Dravidian Politics in Madras,” Journal of Asian Studies, 20 (05 1961), 283–297CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Selig Harrison has sought to explain Communist strength in Andhra at that time in terms of a Kamma-Reddi caste rivalry in India, the Dangerous Decades. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960)Google Scholar. This view has been modified by Carolyn Elliott in her unpublished paper, “Caste and Politics in Andhra Pradesh,” delivered at the Association for Asian Studies meeting, April 5, 1966.

⁶⁷ Speeches by Sahib, K. M. Seethi and Sahib, K. Uppi, Madras Legislative Assembly Debates, 1952, Vol. II, 07 2 and 3, 1952, pp. 315, 373Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Seethi Sahib, op. cit.

⁶⁹ Weiner, Myron, The Politics of Scarcity (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1962), p. 55Google Scholar. See also Lloyd, and Rudolph, Susanne, “The Political Role of India's Caste Associations,” Pacific Affairs, 33 (03 1960), 16–19Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Personal interview with M. Mohammed Ismail, May 21, 1964; and Siraat, 12 1, 1961, p. 2Google Scholar.

⁷¹ P. K. Kunju, personal interview, April 9, 1964.

⁷² Koya, C. H. Mohammed, “Muslim League in the Kerala Assembly,” in Kerala State Muslim League Souvenir, 1959, pp. 1–6Google Scholar (translated by U. A. Beeran).

⁷³ Hindu, June 24, 1958, Dec. 7, 1958; Feb. 28, June 24, July 17, 1959; personal interview with B. V. Abdulla Koya, April 15, 1964.

⁷⁴ Link, June 21, 1959; Hindu, July 18, 1959.

⁷⁵ Logically, one would expect that Hyderabad City with its near-majority of Muslims and long tradition of Muslim rule would have been fertile ground for League recruitment. However, the exclusive local or “mulki” sentiment there gave the advantage to another party, the Majlis Ittihadul-Muslimin. Its founder, Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung, was simultaneously President of the States Muslim League (personal interview with Haji Abdul Lateef Khan, President, Organizing Committee, Muslim League of Telangana, June 28, 1964). Between Independence and the Hyderabad “Police Action” of September, 1948, this party and its paramilitary wing, the Razakars, under Kasim Rizvi dominated the Nizam's state. On the release of Rizvi from prison in 1957, the party was revived by its present leader, Abdul Wahid Owaisi. (See my “Revival of the Majlis Ittihad-ul-Muslimin of Hyderabad,” Muslim World, v. 53 (07 1963), 234–243CrossRefGoogle Scholar.) Ismail has tried in vain to get Owaisi to merge his party with the Muslim League. The local League has been signally unsuccessful in its electoral ventures, possibly because of a largely non-mulki leadership.

⁷⁶ Link, 07 19, 1959, p. 11Google Scholar; and June 4, 1961, p. 14.

⁷⁷ Sharma, B. A. V. and Jangam, R., The Bombay Municipal Corporation, an Election Study (Bombay: Popular Book Depot, 1962)Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Siraat, 02 1, 1962, p. 7Google Scholar; Deccan Chronicle, Feb. 17, 1962; Link, 02 25, 1962, p. 14Google Scholar; Palmer, Norman D., “The 1962 Election in North Bombay,” Pacific Affairs, 36 (Summer 1963), p. 123CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁹ Report on the Third General Elections in India, 1962, Vol. II, p. 264Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Siraat, 01 1, 1965, p. 4Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Siraat, 03 1, 1965, p. 5Google Scholar, and Oct. 1, 1963, p. 4.

⁸² Link, 10 25, 1959, p. 11Google Scholar, Feb. 7, Mar. 13, Aug. 7, Dec. 4, 1960; Hindu, May 15, 1961; Siraat, Oct. 1, 1964.

⁸³ Link, 07 16, 1961, p. 19Google Scholar; an authoritative source within the League admits that two factions within the Calcutta office denounced each other as Pakistani agents to the government

⁸⁴ Siraat, 01 1. 1962, p. 1Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ E.g., Muzafar Hussain Kachochvi, M. P., Times of India, March 6, 1964Google Scholar; Dr.Malik, Abbas, Statesman, 09 25, 1963Google Scholar; Khan, Hafiz Ali Bahadur, Siraat, 10 1, 1964Google Scholar. Unfortunately there is an economic conflict of interests between the Chamars, who provide the backbone of the Republican Party in U.P. and are traditionally leather workers, and the Muslims some of whom have been proprietors and middlemen in the leather industry. Since 1964, Ismail has staged something of a comeback in North India through membership in the Muslim Majlis-i-Mushawarat (consultative council) in conjunction with the Jamaat-i-Islami, the historically nationalist Jamiat-ul-ulema-i-Hind and some dissident Congress Muslims.

⁸⁶ Personal interview with A. A. Rasheed, May 11, 1964.

⁸⁷ Personal interview with A. K. A. Abdus Samad, May 16, 1964.

⁸⁸ Personal interview with Refaye, A. K., editor Urimaikural, 05 7, 1964Google Scholar; and Hindu, Nov. 19, 1960, Nov. 3, 1962.

⁸⁹ Abdus Samad's vote for the D.M.K. Muslim for Mayor would seem contrary to Ismail's demand that only the League represent Muslims, but he replies that the D.M.K. doesn't claim to represent them the way Congress does. Interview with M. Mohammed Ismail, May 21, 1964.

⁹⁰ Election Manifesto of the Indian Union Muslim League, Issued in connection with the General Election, 1962, (Chromepet, Madras, 01 1962), pp. 3, 13, 22Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Personal Interview with A.K.A. Abdus Samad, May 16, 1964.

⁹² Link, 03 25, 1962, p. 18Google Scholar. Another possible result was the election by Congress of N. Mohammed Anwar, a former League M.L.A. (1946–52), to the Rajya Sabha in 1962 apparently with the consent of Ismail, which looks like a fruition of Kamaraj's offers of 1952 and 1957. In a sensational speech in 1964, Anwar castigated his fellow Congress Muslims as “show boys.” When needled about his own affiliation by Ebrahim Sulaiman Sait, he retorted, “There is no political party of the Muslim community in this country excepting the Muslim League”: Hindu, April 26, May 2, 1964.

⁹³ Deccan Chronicle, Feb. 24, 1964.

⁹⁴ Siraat, 12 16, 1964, p. 9Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Government of India, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Publications Division, India 1962, a Reference Annual, p. 567; Ashraf, Ali, “Muslim Groups” in “Election Analysis” a symposium of Seminar, 11 34 (06 1962), pp. 38–40Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ However, the League Assemblymen continued to support Chief Minister Pattom Thanu Pillai and his successor, Shanker, by abstaining on crucial votes rather than voting with the Communists against the cabinet. In the case of Shanker, it may have been because as an Ezhava he would favor the continuation of reservations for Backward Classes which benefitted Muslims: Hindu, 10 12, 1962, p. 1Google Scholar, and personal interview with Dr. V. K. Sukumuran Nair, April 6, 1964.

⁹⁷ Personal interview with Beeran, U. A., Sub-Editor, Chandrika, 04 12, 1964Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Link, 09 27, 1964, p. 16Google Scholar; Mar. 14, 1965, p. 10.

⁹⁹ Siraat, 11 1, 1964, p. 6Google Scholar. The P.S.P. had left the government Oct. 8, 1962.

¹⁰⁰ Hindu, 03 6, 1965, p. 8ffGoogle Scholar; Link, 03 21, 1965, p. 17Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ For this ten of them were expelled from the League in August, 1950: Zakariah, Jalal, Meet Mr. Mohammed Ismail (Madras: Mani Vilakku Book House, 1960), p. 24Google Scholar. S. Mohammed Ismail says it was called the Progressive Socialists and included himself, Hamid Khan, M. S. Salam and Abdul Latif Farookhi: personal interview, June 25, 1964.

¹⁰² These were in Ramnad, Tinneveli, Bellary, Chirakkal and Mallapuram constituencies.

¹⁰³ See Kamali, S. A., “Muslims in India Since Partition,” Muslim World, 45 (01 1955), p. 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Times of India, Indian and Pakistan Year Book and Who's Who, 1951, p. 550Google Scholar; Return Showing the Results of Elections to the Central Assembly and the Provincial Legislatures in 1945–46, New Delhi: Government of India Press, 1948Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Times of India, Indian and Pakistan Yearbook and Who's Who, 1949, p. 509.

¹⁰⁵ Personal interview with Salebhoy Abdul Kadar, Jan. 14, 1964.

¹⁰⁶ Personal interview with Jukaku Shamsuddin, March 10, 1964, and Mohammed Yasin Nuri, Jan. 11, 1964. Congress honored the agreement in Bombay City but not in Poona, Surat and Ahmedabad because of the protests of nationalist Muslims. Brown, Norman in The United States and India and Pakistan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2nd ed. 1963), p. 248Google Scholar, mistakenly identifies this as a party of Muslim women.

¹⁰⁷ See D'Souza, Victor S., The Navayats of Kanara (Dharwar: Kanada Research Institute, 1955)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Seethi Sahib, op. cit.

¹⁰⁹ At least it has repeatedly proclaimed itself to be non-political: The Hindu, May 28, Dec. 2, 1957; March 17, 1958. However, its Policy and Programme (Ernakulam, 1961)Google Scholar, couples the Muslim League with the Congress and P.S.P. as “democratic in character.”

¹¹⁰ Rudolph, Lloyd in “The Modernity of Tradition: The Democratic Incarnation of Caste in India,” this Review, 59 (12 1965), p. 983Google Scholar, notes that as soon as the Vanniyar Caste party, the Tamilnad Toilers, joined Congress in 1954, caste political solidarity cracked.

¹¹¹ Manifesto of the Muslim Convention Conference, Madras, 1962Google Scholar, reprinted in Comrade, Vol. IV, No. 13 (01 15, 1964), pp. 11–15Google Scholar.

¹¹² Personal interview with C. A. Mohammed Ibrahim, June 6, 1964.

¹¹³ Jitendra Singh, op. cit., p. 193. The thangals are the descendants of the Arabic missionaries who came to Malabar and are equivalent in prestige to the Syeds in North India: personal interview with Syed Alavi Jifri Thangal, April 16, 1964.

¹¹⁴ In “The Effectiveness of Muslim Representation in India” which will appear in Smith, Donald E. (ed.), Religion and Politics in South Asia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Deccan Chronicle, 02 21, 1962, p. 5Google Scholar; Hindu, 02 21, 1962, p. 1Google Scholar. Link claims that at the September, 1960 League rally the slogan “Muslims, remember your destiny; Qaid-i-Azam (i.e., Jinnah) is watching you from heaven” appeared. (Sept. 25, 1960, pp. 13–15) and that Ismail orated in the 1962 campaign, “Jinnah fought for a Muslim homeland and got it. Now Annah (C. N. Annadurai of the D.M.K.) fights for a sovereign homeland for the Southerners. By the grace of Allah he too shall succeed”: Link, 02 25, 1962, p. 19Google Scholar. That such quotations may be distorted in the translation is shown by an exchange in the Madras legislature following the 1964 municipal election. It was charged that the League had promised its followers that the portrait (sic!) of the late Pakistani leader, Liaquat Ali Khan, would be installed in the Mayor's chambers along with Annadurai's if the League-D.M.K. coalition won. The accuser, it turned out, had misunderstood that “Qaid-i-Millat” referred to Ismail, not to the earlier League leader: Hindu, 03 10, 1964, p. 1Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Hindu, 01 20, 1961, p. 5Google Scholar; March 10, 1964, p. 1.

¹¹⁷ Deccan Chronicle, April 29, 1964, and letters to the editor by Raza Khan (Hindu, May 3), M. S. A. Majid (May 5) and V. Rajagopalachari, President Madras State Bharatiya Jan Sangh, (May 5). This was a case of music before a mosque during prayers.

¹¹⁸ Anderson, Robert T., “Voluntary Associations in Hyderabad,” Anthropological Quarterly, 37 (10 1964), 175–190CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁹ E.g., “Presidential Address Delivered by Quaid-e-Millat Mohammed Ismail Saheb at the Tamilnad Muslim League Conference held at S.I.A.A. Grounds, Madras on September 17th and 18th, 1960,” p. 7; and Zakariah, op. cit., p. 18.

¹²⁰ See Binder, Leonard, The Ideological Revolution in the Middle East (New York: Wiley, 1964)Google Scholar, for the shift from religion to nationalism.

¹²¹ Eleanor Zelliott reaches the same conclusion for the scheduled castes' Republican Party in her unpublished paper on “Babasaheb Ambedkar” for the Association for Asian Studies meeting, April 4, 1966.

¹²² Weiner, Myron in “Political Integration and Political Development,” The Annals, 358 (03, 1965), p. 63Google Scholar, observes that “The multiplication of ineffectual political organizations tends to result either in a highly fragmented political process in which government is unable to make or implement public policy, or in a political system in which the authoritative structures make all decisions completely independently of the political process outside of government.”

¹²³ A Muslim businessman of Madras cited to me the example of the South Indian Chamber of Commerce, originally a largely Muslim organization but so flooded with chettiars even by 1937 that Jamal Mohammed was defeated for the presidency by T. T. Krishnamachari.

¹²⁴ Glazer, Nathan and Moynihan, Daniel P., Beyond the Melting Pot (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1963), pp. 138, 166, 170Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ Weiner, Politics of Scarcity, op. cit., p. 64.

¹²⁶ Weiner, , “Traditional Role Performance and the Development of Modern Political Parties: The Indian Case,” Journal of Politics, 26 (1964), 830–849CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁷ This organization founded as far back as 1901, founded New College in Madras in 1951 to replace the old Muhammadan College which was swamped with Hindu students by government action after independence. Muslims have founded eight colleges in Madras and Kerala since then. Although Muslim leaders think of their communities as educationally backward, Elder, Joseph shows in a recent study, “India: Fatalism—a Comparison between Hindus and Muslims,” Anthropological Quarterly (Summer 1966)Google Scholar, that Muslims have higher educational aspirations than Hindus.