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Kant, Liberalism, and War*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 September 2013

Kenneth N. Waltz
Affiliation:
Swarthmore College

Extract

Many liberals of the nineteenth century, and their predecessors of the middle eighteenth, thought the natural condition of men to be one of harmony. Dissension and strife do not inhere in man and society; they arise instead from mistaken belief, inadequate knowledge, and defective governance. With the evils defined, the remedies become clear: educate men and their governors, strip away political abuses. This is one theme in the history of liberal thought. Urged by humane philosophers and supported by pacifistic economists, its appeal in Western society is immense and enduring.

There is in liberal thought another theme as well, which is often obscured though it goes back to the earliest philosophers who can fairly be called liberal. Montesquieu, Adam Smith, and Kant made no easy assumptions about the rationality and goodness of man. Among men in nature and states in a world of states, they found not harmony and peace but hostility and war to be the natural condition.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1962

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References

1 Allen, George V., “Perpetual Peace Through World-Wide Federation,” Department of State Bulletin, Vol. 20 (06 19, 1949), pp. 801802Google Scholar.

2 Brinton, Crane, A Decade of Revolution, 1789–1799 (New York, 1934), p. 261Google Scholar.

3 Gooch, G. P., Germany and the French Revolution (London, 1920), p. 271Google Scholar.

4 For a recent example, see the lead review of The Times Literary Supplement, January 23, 1959.

5 Kant, Eternal Peace and other International Essays, tr. Hastie, W. (Boston, 1914), p. 118Google Scholar. This book contains: pp. 1–25, “The Natural Principle of the Political Order Considered in Connection with the Idea of a Universal Cosmopolitan History”; pp. 27–54, “The Principles of Political Right Considered in Connection with the Relation of Theory to Practice in Natural Law”; pp. 55–66, “The Principle of Progress Considered in Connection with the Relation of Theory to Practice in International Law”; pp. 67–168, “Eternal Peace, A Philosophical Essay.”

6 See Fundamental Principles of the Metaphysic of Morals, esp. sec. 2; and in general, Critical Examination of Practical Reason. Both are in Abbott, Thomas Kingsmill, tr., Kant's Critique of Practical Reason and Other Works on the Theory of Ethics, 6th ed. (London, 1909)Google Scholar. For the political parts of the argument, see “Principles of Political Right.”

7 Acton, “Nationality,” The History of Freedom and Other Essays (London, 1907), pp. 270300Google Scholar; Kant, , “Theory and Practice: Concerning the Common Saying: This May Be True in Theory But Does Not Apply to Practice,” tr. Friedrich, Carl J., The Philosophy of Kant (New York, 1949), p. 416Google Scholar.

8 The Philosophy of Law, tr. Hastie, W. (Edinburgh, 1887), p. 34Google Scholar.

9 Ibid., pp. 77–78, 157.

10 “Principles of Political Right,” pp. 34–39.

11 Gooch, , Germany and the French Revolution, p. 12Google Scholar; Lloyd, Christopher, The Nation and the Navy (London, 1954), pp. 131, 209Google Scholar.

12 “Eternal Peace,” pp. 70, 78; Philosophy of Law, p. 217.

13 “What is Enlightenment?” tr. Friedrich, , Philosophy of KantGoogle Scholar; “Principles of Political Right,” p. 50.

14 Vagts, Alfred, A History of Militarism (New York, 1937), pp. 167168Google Scholar; “What is Enlightenment?” p. 139.

15 “Eternal Peace,” p. 108.

16 Ibid., p. 71. In a way that long remains typical of liberals, Kant, in effect, criticizes the army that has nobility as officers and rabble for its soldiers. He would prefer not the nationinarms but an army of citizen-soldiers periodically and voluntarily rehearsing their military duties.

17 Ibid., pp. 98–99; “Principles of Political Right,” pp. 42–43.

18 Philosophy of Law, p. 214; cf. pp. 223–224: “Further, it may be said that the expression ‘an unjust enemy in the state of Nature’ is pleonastic for the state of Nature is itself a state of injustice.”

19 “Eternal Peace,” p. 83; cf. p. 76.

20 Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to the 20th Party Congress. Cf. Kant's Critique of Teleological Judgement, tr. Meredith, James C. (Oxford, 1928), p. 96Google Scholar. Referring to “a system of all states that are in danger of acting injuriously to one another” Kant says: “In its absence, and with the obstacles that ambition, love of power, and avarice, especially on the part of those who hold the reins of authority, put in the way even of the possibility of such a scheme, war is inevitable.”

21 Philosophy of Law, pp. 219–225; “Eternal Peace,” pp. 69–75.

22 “Eternal Peace,” p. 83.

23 Metaphysic of Morals, p. 47.

24 Philosophy of Law, pp. 210–211.

25 “Principle of Progress,” p. 64: Each republic “unable to injure any other by violence, must maintain itself by right alone; and it may hope on real grounds that the others being constituted like itself will then come, on occasions of need, to its aid.”

26 “That politics may be reduced to a science,” Hume's Political Discourses (London, n.d.), pp. 229243Google Scholar; Kant, , “Eternal Peace,” p. 80Google Scholarn.

27 Teleological Judgement, p. 96.

28 “Eternal Peace,” p. 91.

29 “Principle of the Political Order,” pp. 3–5.

30 Darwin, Charles, The Origin of Species (London, 1928), p. 455Google Scholar.

31 “Principle of the Political Order,” pp. 15–17; “Principle of Progress,” p. 62.

32 “Principles of Political Right,” pp. 34–35.

33 “Eternal Peace,” p. 95.

34 “Principle of the Political Order,” p. 22.

35 Philosophy of Law, p. 230.

36 “Principle of the Political Order,” p. 17; cf. p. 23: “Applying the same method of study everywhere, both to the internal civil constitutions and laws of the States and to their external relations to each other, we see how in both relations the good they contained served for a certain period to elevate and glorify particular nations, and with themselves, their arts and sciences,—until the defects attaching to their institutions came in time to cause their overthrow.”

37 Ibid., p. 20; “Principle of Progress,” p. 63.

38 “Eternal Peace,” p. 81.

39 Philosophy of Law, p. 225.

40 “Principle of Progress,” p. 65. Cf. “Eternal Peace,” pp. 122–123; and Philosophy of Law, pp. 163–164, where Kant emphasizes that the federation must have the function of determining according to law, wherever there is a significant conflict, which interpretation of right should prevail.

41 “Eternal Peace,” p. 81; and see above, n. 9. For differences among liberals on this question, see Waltz, , Man, the State, and War (New York, 1959)Google Scholar, ch. 4.

42 “Principle of Progress,” pp. 62–63; “Eternal Peace,” pp. 97–98.

43 “Eternal Peace,” p. 114.

44 Philosophy of Law, p. 218, where in addition to what is quoted above, he writes: “This international relation is the foundation of the Right of Equilibrium, or of the ‘balance of Power,’ among all states that are in active contiguity to each other.”

45 “Principle of Progress,” p. 65; “Eternal Peace,” p. 98.

46 “Principles of Political Right,” p. 41n.

47 Metaphysic of Morals, pp. 23–24.

48 We must, for example, “postulate the existence of God, as the necessary condition of the possibility of the summum bonum …. “Practical Reason, p. 221.

49 Metaphysic of Morals, p. 84. This is a difficult problem. To put peace in the infinite future would be to demonstrate its impossibility. Kant must therefore think of sequences in the phenomenal world that are not infinite but do continue without end. This abstruse statement of the problem may help to make clear the philosophic context of Kant's political thought. For this resolution of the problem, I am indebted to Körner's, S. superb little book, Kant (Penguin, 1955), pp. 163174Google Scholar.

50 Philosophy of Law, p. 224; cf. “Principle of the Political Order,” p. 13.

51 Philosophy of Law, pp. 229–230.

52 Edwin D. Mead's introduction to the book cited above, n. 5.

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