¹ The term “ethnicity” conveys only imperfectly the intended meaning. This term is certainly less pejorative and more useful than “tribalism” or “race,” but it is not more precise in describing the nature of the cultural and political bonds that provide a basis for group identity. Ethnicity may coincide with class, occupational, sectional or other differences, but the use of a term like “sectional” by itself neglects the affective component that ethnic labels and stereotypes bring to the dynamics of politics. When describing the Zambian situation, I will use the term “ethno-regional” to refer to the most salient political divisions.

² A review of the relevant literature is available in Subramaniam, V., “Representative Bureaucracy: A Reassessment,” American Political Science Review, 61 (December, 1967), 1010–1019CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ For the emergent consensus on this point, see Melson, Robert and Wolpe, Howard, “Modernization and the Politics of Communalism: A Theoretical Perspective,” American Political Science Review, 64 (December, 1970), 1112–1113CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁵ van den Berghe, Pierre, South Africa: A Study in Conflict (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967)Google Scholar.

⁶ Zambia is not unique in this regard. See Melson and Wolpe, “Modernization and the Politics of Communalism” 1123 and 1124; Cohen, Ronald and Middleton, John, eds., From Tribe to Nation in Africa: Studies in Incorporation Processes (Scranton, Pa.: Chandler Publishing, 1970)Google Scholar, and Olorunsola, Victor A., ed., The Politics of Cultural Sub-Nationalism in Africa (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1972)Google Scholar. These horizontal differences do not connote any particular hierarchical order, but they do define the actors involved in establishing which group will have a preponderance of wealth and power.

⁷ White, C. M. N., “The Ethno-History of the Upper Zambezi,” African Studies, 21 (1962), 10–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Vansina, Jan, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), pp. 70–97 and 160–173Google Scholar.

⁸ For a discussion of identity and integration of Africans in urban areas, see Gluckman, Max, “Tribalism in Modern British Central Africa,” Cahiers d'études africaines, 1 (January, 1960), 55–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Mitchell, Clyde, The Kalela Dance (Manchester, England: Manchester University Press, 1956)Google Scholar.

⁹ For an analysis of the Zambian independence movement, see Mulford, David C., Zambia: The Politics of Independence, 1957–1964 (London: Oxford University Press, 1967)Google Scholar, Rotberg, Robert I., The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa: The Making of Malawi and Zambia, 1873–1964 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965)Google Scholar and Hall, Richard, Zambia (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1965)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Mulford, , Zambia, pp. 121–131 and 327–330Google Scholar.

¹¹ Melson, and Wolpe, , “Modernization and the Politics of Communalism,” 1122Google Scholar.

¹² Subramaniam, , “Representative Bureaucracy,” 1010–1019Google Scholar; Warner, W. Lloyd, Van Riper, Paul P., Martin, Norman H., and Collins, Orvis F., The American Federal Executive (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963)Google Scholar; Kingsley, J. Donald, Representative Bureaucracy: An Interpretation of the British Civil Service (Yellow Springs, Ohio: The Antioch Press, 1944)Google Scholar, and Kelsall, R. K., Higher Civil Servants in Britain (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1955)Google Scholar.

¹³ Subramaniam, , “Representative Bureaucracy,” p. 1016Google Scholar. Middle-class occupational titles, according to Subramaniam, include shopkeepers and merchants, governmental employees, business employees, professionals and skilled workers. Excluded from this category are unskilled workers, farmers, and agricultural workers.

¹⁴ Scarritt, James R., “Elite Values, Ideology, and Power in Post-Independence Zambia,” African Studies Review, 14 (April, 1971), p. 42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ Scarritt's study was designed primarily to determine the political ideology and values of top party and government officials and to gauge the degree of unity within the elite; it was not specifically concerned with the issue of class consciousness.

¹⁶ Epstein, A. L., Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, England: Manchester University Press, 1958), pp. 160–161, and 240Google Scholar, and Bates, Robert H., Unions, Parties and Political Development: A Study of Mineworkers in Zambia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), pp. 114–119Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Bates, , Unions, Parties and Political Development, p. 118Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Sklar, Richard L., “Political Science and National Integration—A Radical Approach,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 6 (1967), 1–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Smith, M. G., “Institutional and Political Conditions of Pluralism,” and “Some Developments in the Analytic Framework of Pluralism,” in Pluralism in Africa, ed. Kuper, Leo and Smith, M. G. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968), pp. 27–66 and 415–458Google Scholar. See also the discussion of incorporation in Cohen and Middleton, , From Tribe to Nation in Africa, pp. 1–34Google Scholar.

¹⁹ For details on the background of these officials, see Mulford, , Zambia, pp. 330 and 331Google Scholar and Rotberg, Robert I., “Tribalism and Politics in Zambia,” Africa Report (December, 1967), pp. 29–35Google Scholar.

²⁰ Rotberg, , “Tribalism and Politics in Zambia,” pp. 29–35Google Scholar.

²¹ Republic of Zambia, Information Services, Mulungushi Conference 1967 (Lusaka: Government Printer, 1967), pp. 52 and 53Google Scholar.

²² Mulford, , Zambia, 107–142Google Scholar. Also, Rasmussen, Thomas, “Political Competition and One-Party Dominance in Zambia,” Journal of Modern African Studies, 1 (1969), 407–424CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²⁴ The questionnaire was distributed to a random sample of Zambian civil servants posted to stations outside Lusaka. The sample was drawn from staff lists of all civil servants, rather than from the membership rolls of the Association. Out of 195 questionnaires mailed, 154—78.9 per cent—were returned. Attempts to extend the mailed questionnaire to civil servants working in Lusaka received so little cooperation that the effort was abandoned. Interviews conducted by the author provided evidence that the attitudes of civil servants posted to Lusaka do not differ significantly from those of colleagues working elsewhere. I am grateful to the Zambia Localized Civil Servants' Association for their cooperation and, of course, accept full responsibility for the interpretation of the data.

²⁵ Based upon the observations reported by Scott, Ian and Molteno, Robert, “The Zambian General Elections,” Africa Report (January, 1969), 42–27Google Scholar, and on field research done by the author in the Eastern Province, it appears that UNIP local officials in the Nyanja-speaking areas are more concerned about Bemba domination than are Nyanja-speaking civil servants. In the middle and lower ranks of the civil service, Nyanja-speaking civil servants have fared relatively well and so expressed less experience and less fear of ill-treatment because of their tribe than other civil servants have. See Dresang, Dennis L., The Zambia Civil Service: Entrepreneurialism and Development Administration (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1974), pp. 63–65Google Scholar. One suspects that on the level of national politics, as opposed to intra civilservice matters, Nyanja-speaking civil servants might express the same apprehensions and desires as politicians, farmers, and others from the Eastern Province.

²⁶ The term “tribe” as used by Zambians in discussing their national politics refers to the ethnic and regional differences that have been delineated above. The quotations by President Kaunda and the United Party are evidence of this. The author used interviews with some of the respondents of the survey to confirm that they too interpreted “tribe” as synonomous with ethnoregional divisions.

²⁷ For a discussion of patron-client relationships, see Lemarchand, Rene, “Political Clientelism and Ethnicity in Tropical Africa: Competing Solidarities in Nation-Building,” American Political Science Review, 66 (March, 1972), 68–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Scott, James C., “Patron-Client Politics and Political Change in Southeast Asia,” American Political Science Review, 66 (March, 1972), 91–113CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁸ A more detailed discussion of development policies and administration in Zambia is available in Dresang, The Zambia Civil Service, pp. 110–207.

²⁹ For analyses on Zambia's failure to achieve rapid and balanced economic development, see Elliot, Charles, ed., Constraints on Economic Development in Zambia (Lusaka: Oxford University Press, 1971)Google Scholar.

³⁰ See the discussion in Mwanakatwe, John, The Growth of Education in Zambia Since Independence (London: Oxford University Press, 1968)Google Scholar.

³¹ Republic of Zambia, Statistical Yearbook, 1970, p. 3Google Scholar and Second National Development Plan, pp. 169–171.

³² The study also included 55 expatriates working in Zambia. All officials held a position of department head, the equivalent or above and were in the then Office of National Development and Planning or one of the following ministries: Agriculture, Health, Mining and Natural Resources, Youth, Cooperatives and Social Development, Finance, and Local and Provincial Government. For a more detailed discussion of this study, see Dresang, Dennis L., “Entrepreneurialism and Devolpment Administration,” Administrative Science Quarterly, 18 (March, 1973), 76–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³³ Scott and Molteno, “The Zambian General Elections.”

³⁴ Molteno, Robert, “Zambia and the One Party State,” East Africa Journal, 9 (February, 1972), 6–18Google Scholar.