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Campaign Funds in a Depression Year1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 September 2013

Louise Overacker
Affiliation:
Wellesley College

Extract

The presidential campaigns of 1928 and 1932 are a study in contrasts. In 1928, the United States was at the peak of the boom period; the incumbent Republicans were confident of victory; and the result was a Republican victory which “broke” the Solid South and swept all but two states outside that section into the Republican column. The 1932 campaign was fought in the midst of depression and disaster; confidence was with the Democrats for the first time in many years; and the result was a Democratic victory which put the party securely in control of both houses of Congress, as well as of the presidency. What effect did the changed economic and political outlook have upon the financing of the campaign?

Type
American Government and Politics
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1933

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References

2 There were the usual charges that Republican postmasters were subjected to pressure in the collection of funds (New York Times, May 15, 1932); and late in the campaign Republicans attempted to make political capital of alleged Democratic appeals to business interests in Canada as well as the United States (ibid., October 28, 31, and November 1, 1932).

3 Bankers Trust Company, $800,000; Brooklyn Trust Company, $300,000; International Germanic Trust Company, $200,000; County Trust Company, $200,000.

4 A Democratic Victory Campaign Committee of the Democratic National Committee was created on January 1, 1932. This operated until August 31, 1932, when the Democratic National Campaign Committee was organized as the agency of the Democratic National Committee for the 1932 campaign. The reports of Frank C. Walker, treasurer of the National Committee, cover both organizations.

5 For expenditures of national committees in earlier campaigns, see my Money in Elections, p. 73.

6 See Lundberg, George A., “Campaign Expenditures and Election Results”, Social Forces Vol. 6 (1928), p. 455CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 The total vote cast was 39,816,522, and the combined recorded expenditures of the two parties amounted to $5,146,027. The lowest cost per vote in any previous campaign was $.15 in 1924. In other campaigns since 1912, the cost has varied from $.19 to $.20. See Money in Elections, p. 80.

8 In the report of March 1, 1933, this item had grown to $132,775. There was little change in it between March 1 and June 1, 1933.

9 Loans repaid during the course of the campaign are not included in this table. All other collections of the national committees, whether for themselves or as agents of other independent party committees are included. Collections made and turned over to the Republican National Committee are included, as are the collections of the Finance Division for Illinois and the Chicago Citizens Committee, which were turned over to the Democratic National Committee. Under Democratic “contributions” are included $100,000 from John J. Raskob, contributed by canceling notes of the National Committee to that amount; and $5,000 from B. M. Baruch and $1,000 from R. H. Gore, contributed by these gentlemen to help cancel the committee's indebtedness to Mr. Raskob, not listed as “contributions” in the reports of the committee. The “miscellaneous” item under “Democrats” is unusually large because it includes more than $75,000 from the sale of medallions.

10 It must be remembered that in 1932 $1,600,000 of the $5,721,3.81 receipts of the Democratic National Committee took the form of loans.

11 See Money in Elections, p. 130.

12 Figures are as follows: 1912, 2,600; 1916, 34,205; 1920, 50,777; 1924, 90,227; 1928, 143,749.

13 Some explanation of method is called for in connection with this table. A card catalogue was made of contributors of $1,000 or more, in order to trace numerous cases where one individual gave contributions at different dates. Such cases were listed as one contribution. In other groups, the number and amount were totaled, but no attempt was made to trace cases where one person contributed at various dates. Collections made by clubs or committees, without record of the names of the individuals contributing, are listed as “impossible to allocate.” In the case of the Democrats, this is large because it includes $156,250 from the Chicago Citizens Committee, accepted in full settlement of the $200,000 convention pledge.

The law requires the filing of names of each contributor of $100 or more, and the total amount contributed in smaller sums, but the Republicans have filed a complete list of all contributors regardless of size. The total number of Democratic contributors was obtained from Mr. Ambrose O'Connell, assistant treasurer. The number of contributors of less than $100 was secured by subtracting the number of contributors in the upper brackets from this total.

14 In 1920, the per cent of the Republican fund coming from this source rose from 15.1 to 15.3. With this exception, however, the rô1e of the small giver has steadily declined in both parties since 1912.

15 This disparity is accounted for in part by the fact that some contributors who give business addresses in New York City pay income taxes from homes in other states.

16 See Money in Elections, p. 164, for table.

17 Income percentages are taken from United States Secretary of the Treasury, Statistics of Income for 1930, p. 68. This is the last year for which these figures were available at the time this note was written.

18 A writer in the New York Times, May 28, 1933, in discussing the unsatisfied thirst of Texas for patronage, says that this state “raised more money for it [the Roosevelt-Garner ticket] than any other state.” This is, of course, not true, but Texas' financial support was conspicuous.

19 Information concerning economic interests was taken from Who's Who for 1932–33, and from directories and “Who's Who” publications for various cities. Under “unclassified” are included real estate people, contractors, office-holders, movie and vaudeville operators.

20 It might be argued, also, that Mr. Raskob was a manufacturer rather than a banker, but banking has been his major interest since his withdrawal from active direction of General Motors in 1928. He calls himself a “capitalist” in Who's Who.

21 See New York Times, August 22 and 26, 1932.

22 Mr. Raskob made an outright contribution of $25,000 on October 21, 1932, and on May 26, 1932, cancelled $100,000 of the debt owed him by the National Committee.

23 A. W. Mellon, former Secretary of the Treasury and ambassador to Great Britain, contributed $25,000; R. B. Mellon, his brother $15,000; A. W. and R. B. Mellon, $5,000; and William L. Mellon, a nephew, $8,500.

24 The Pratt contributions were as follows: George D., $8,500; Ruth B., $10,000; Harold I., $8,500; Herbert L., $8,500; Mrs. Herbert L., $1,000. John D. Rockefeller, Sr., contributed $15,000; John D., Jr., $15,000; Percy Rockefeller, $5,000. The Guggenheim contributions were made by Mrs. Daniel, Harry F., Mrs. Harry F., Murray, Simon, and S. R.

25 Charles R. Crane, Homer Cummings, Vance McCormick, Ira Nelson Morris, and Joseph Tumulty are interesting instances.

26 Baruch gave $37,590 in 1928 and $45,000 in 1932; Woodin increased his contribution from $25,000 to $45,000. The 1928 contribution of A. W. Mellon was $25,000 and in 1932 he gave $25,000 in his own name and joined with his brother R. B. in a $5,000 gift. Ogden L. Mills gave $12,500 in 1928 and over $30,000 in 1932.

27 The figures are as follows: Thomas L. Chadbourne, $6,000, Mrs. Thomas L. Chadbourne, $1,000; Edward S. Harkness, $6,000, Mrs. Edward L. Harkness, $12,000; Charles E. F. McCann, $3,000, Mrs. Charles E. F. McCann, $5,000.

28 This contribution was made on February 14, 1933.

29 See Table II above for the unpaid loans contracted during the campaign.

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