The ability to identify distinct types of cherts and chalcedonies at the large prehistoric housepit site of Keatley Creek on the British Columbia plateau has made it possible to infer important aspects of socioeconomic organization from ca. 2400 to 1100 B.P. Each large housepit tested at the site appears to have a distinctive and characteristic composition of chert and chalcedony debitage which remains coherent over time (for at least 1,000 years). Three inferences concerning socioeconomic organization are derived from these observations: (1) residents of each large housepit probably foraged in distinctly different ranges during nonwinter months where they procured their raw stone materials; (2) residents of each large pithouse formed “residential corporate groups” that differed in their access to stone resources; and (3) the “residential corporate groups” that occupied large pithouses retained economic rights, corporate identity, and ownership of specific pithouse premises for unusually long time periods spanning more than a millennium. Differences between lithic assemblages of housepits were confirmed by three separate and independent analyses employing successively more sophisticated techniques.

Micro-seriation using attributes of decorated ceramics has been shown to accurately refine intrasite and intersite relative dating. Using data from Pueblo de los Muertos, a nucleated town in west-central New Mexico, this presentation demonstrates that micro-seriation of type frequencies produces equally accurate results. Typological analysis also provides substantial time savings when compared to attribute recording. Additionally, using types with established temporal ranges permits linkage of relative seriation with absolute dates. A combination of correspondence analysis and k-means cluster analysis was found to provide sound and easily interpretable results. The results of a typological seriation of Pueblo de los Muertos deposits are examined, and the utility of typological seriation for other contexts is considered.

Crawford and Smith have developed important new evidence that bears on the hypothesis that the Northern Iroquoians migrated into the lower Great Lakes region sometime after A.D. 900. Clarification of the Princess Point Complex in Ontario forces a revision of the hypothesis. While an Appalachian origin for the Northern Iroquoians and their subsequent migration is not rejected, new evidence strongly suggests that the population shift took place three centuries earlier than I previously proposed. The situation calls for both further refinement of paleodemographic theory and new empirical research into Owasco and other earlier Northern Iroquoian complexes.

Kuhn (1994) argues that small lithic tools provide an optimal means of reducing the weight of mobile tool kits while maximizing potential utility. This assertion contradicts much of the current thinking about mobility and the organization of lithic technology and is at odds with the archaeological record. A flaw in Kuhn's equation for calculating the utility/mass ratio of retouched tools leads him to this erroneous conclusion. Problems with Kuhn's utility/mass ratio equation are described and an alternative formula is offered. The corrected formula indicates that larger stone tools maximize utility at a lower transport cost. Experimental evidence for additional advantages of larger stone tools is also provided.

Analyses of the size, shape, and wear on western Mogollon manos and metates reveal that the dietary importance of maize remained low and stable from the Early Pithouse period (A.D. 200–550) through the Georgetown phase (A.D. 550–700). The consumption of maize increased during the San Francisco phase (A.D. 700–825/850) and continued to increase through the Three Circle phase (A.D. 825/850–1000). Changes in the ubiquity of charred pieces of maize (Zea mays) from paleoethnobotanical samples also indicate an increase in maize consumption from the Early Pithouse period through the Three Circle phase. The onset of increased maize consumption roughly coincided with the introduction of an improved variety of eight-row maize, around A.D. 650–700 (Upham et al. 1987). The analyses presented in this study do not agree with recent suggestions (Gilman 1987; Mauldin 1991) that maize consumption in the western Mogollon region remained stable and low until the Classic Mimbres phase (A.D. 1000–1150).

Toby Morrow argues that I (Kuhn 1994) made an error in calculating the utility/mass ratio of retouched tools, and he proposes an “alternative” formula. Unfortunately, Morrow confounds utility per se with ratio of utility to weight, and, as a result, his alternative approach is erroneous. This response to Morrow examines the central issue of how artifact utility is assessed. The main message of my original paper is reaffirmed. Utility/mass ratios eventually begin to decline as artifacts get large, and optimal size ranges can be estimated based on a few simplifying assumptions.

In the excavation of Pendejo Cave (FB 9366) near Orogrande, New Mexico, 16 friction skin imprints were found in five stratified zones on clay nodules, baked at over 120°C. After careful analysis, expert dermatoglyphologists determined that these imprints had positive primate characteristics. The imprints are probably of human origin, since no other primates are known to have existed in prehistoric New Mexico. Eight of the imprints occurred in three well-dated zones falling in the late Pleistocene. These zones have direct radiocarbon dates between 12,000 and 37,000 B.P. In addition to their association with radiocarbon determinations, the prints come from three of 24 stratified zones, intensively studied by geologists and pedologists, that are dated in sequence by 34 other radiocarbon determinations acquired from four different laboratories. The imprints are associated with a column of over 35,000 paleontological specimens and more than 15,000 botanical remains. These specimens indicate Pleistocene changes and supply evidence of human transportation and modification of various materials. The prints are also associated with artifacts, ecofacts, features of human construction, and human remains. The imprint specimens therefore provide evidence of Pleistocene human occupation in the New World.

Based on the analysis of assemblages from the French sites of Pech de l'Azé I, La Quina, and Combe-Capelle has, a model of stone-tool resharpening is proposed for Middle Paleolithic notched tools. This model is based on the observation that tools with a larger number of notches have greater mean blank lengths irrespective of their typological designation. This pattern is then used to help investigate the relationship between raw material availability and tool reuse. Our results indicate that the number of notches found on a tool is a function of both the size of the tool blank and the availability of raw material.

Interest in the material correlates of economic specialization has led to numerous quantitative studies of standardization (or the lack of it) in craft production, particularly of ceramics. Most of this research has focused on measures of variation and conventional statistical procedures in the treatment of the empirical data, many of which are dependent on unrealistic assumptions (such as normal populations), yielding results that can be questioned. To resolve this crisis more robust statistical methods are investigated including the “jackknife” method (for confidence interval construction) and a multigroup test for homogeneity of variance known as the Brown-Forsythe Test. Computer simulations show that the latter is robust under a variety of distributional forms. These new methods are used to reanalyze ethnoarchaeological ceramic data from the Philippines; it is shown that markedly different conclusions can be reached when compared with the results of more conventional procedures.

We attempt to clarify the role of demographic factors (size, density, history, and trajectory) in aggregation in the ancestral Puebloan Southwest, which we found obscure in Leonard and Reed (1993). In addition, we question one of the case studies from Chaco Canyon that they used to support their model, and we suggest that data from the Mesa Verde region between A.D. 700 and 1300 argue against the generality of their explanation for aggregation.

We believe that most of Kohler and Sebastian’s concerns regarding our research are attributable to differences in how we perceive the relations between theory, models, explanation, and the archaeological record. Other differences we attribute to misunderstandings of both our work and selectionist theory in general. We finally conclude that differences in our opinions on these issues represent broader problems in our discipline.

Immunological and microwear analysis was performed on 100 chipped-stone artifacts from four prehistoric sites located in the Virginia Piedmont. A total of 20 artifacts returned positive results for immunological analysis and 16 artifacts returned microwear results. The findings indicate the negative effects of postdepositional processes and the potential utility of the techniques for deciphering prehistoric activities, otherwise unavailable by conventional studies in piedmont contexts. The study further illustrates the value and problems associated with immunological and microwear analyses on chipped-stone assemblages.

We criticize the acid-extraction approach to chemical characterization of ceramics previously advocated in this journal by Burton and Simon (1993). The instrumental technique used by Burton and Simon (inductively coupled plasma emission spectroscopy [ICP]) is a highly precise chemical characterization technique, but noise introduced by characterizing acid extracts from sherds nullifies the usefulness of the resulting elemental concentration data for archaeological sourcing.

There are some fundamental errors in the arguments of our critics: equating acid extraction with bulk techniques; confusing extractability, the signal of interpretive interest, with analytical error; and, most importantly, presuming that the influences of behavioral choices of prehistoric potters are unwanted “noise” in the data. In confirmation of our original statements, Neff et al., demonstrate that neutron activation analysis (NAA) and acid extraction are independent methods, that the data are not commensurate, and that acid extraction is sensitive to technological choices of prehistoric potters. We agree emphatically. Because ceramic vessels are not idealized geologic materials mined from quarries, but complex technological products, richly embedded with behavioral attributes, we see this behavioral sensitivity of acid extraction as its virtue, not its vice. Acid extraction is a viable compositional tool currently producing significant archaeological results.

Results of a field study at Pot Creek Pueblo indicate that when effective hydration temperature varies significantly with depth, errors in obsidian hydration age estimates can occur if hydration rate constants are extrapolated to depth-specific effective hydration temperatures. This problem will be particularly severe in continental climates, but will have some effect anywhere the amplitude of the annual surface temperature wave exceeds 2-3°C.