Every ethnic group in Mali has at least one social category of specialists in conflict mediation and resolution. These are casted groups whose duties include the maintenance of a moral as well as structural social order, even in times of great turmoil. Recent research on the activities of these actors shows that the role of traditional mediator has not vanished, but it has evolved through bureaucratic institutionalization. A thickly described case study of the formation of RECOTRADE, the largest nongovernmental organization of traditional communicators in West Africa, demonstrates how this traditional institution is keeping pace with the political and civil development of the country.

This article investigates the presence of utopian elements in Ken Saro-Wiwa’s short story “Africa Kills Her Sun,” and the extent to which they dismantle an otherwise bleak commentary on the protagonist’s reality. Ernst Bloch’s notions of “pre-illumination,” “daydreaming,” and “not-yet” are employed as analytical tools in order to unravel the narrative’s utopian content.

Claims of sexual violence against female conscripts by military commanders abound in the Eritrean National Service (ENS), but hitherto there has been no attempt to subject these claims to rigorous empirical scrutiny. This article is a partial attempt to fill the gap. Based on data collected through snowball sampling from 190 former conscripts in the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Norway, South Africa, Kenya, and Sweden who fled from the ENS, supplemented by data from systematically selected key informants who were interviewed in depth, it examines the extent to which female conscripts serving in the ENS were subjected to sexual violence and harassment by their commanders, including at the Sawa military training camp. The extensive data, based on the perceptions and experiences of respondents who served on average about six years, suggest that sexual abuse is rampant throughout the ENS, particularly among female conscripts who are assigned to work at the camp subsequent to the six months of military training.

The Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) missionaries equated urbanity with moral contagion, to which those with slave status were especially vulnerable. To the former slaves who came into contact with the mission, the growing commercial center of Zanzibar, and the coastal cultures it was associated with, were not only enticing, but also crucial to social and economic mobility. The mission’s ex-slaves rarely enjoyed a special advantage though their connection to missionaries. Even for the missionaries’ most treasured dependents, the advantages were ambiguous. However, the mission did facilitate the making of strong cohorts and ease the transition to town living.

This article explores the influence of nationalism and modernity in contemporary Zimbabwe and on the musical lives of Zimbabweans through an examination of muchongoyo, the signature dance–drumming tradition of Zimbabwe’s Ndau communities. Invoking the concept of “Mugabeism,” it illustrates how Shona nationalism and expectations of modernity have partially reshaped muchongoyo in the turmoil of contemporary Zimbabwe. As indigenous practices serve political ends, their values shift. Consequently, there are now two muchongoyos : one rooted in the unique history and values of Zimbabwe’s Ndau community, the other emerging from decades of political employment of indigenous music for the sake of nationalist discourse.

This article examines the transformations to urban social stratification in Angola during the last decades. The analysis is centered on the indicators of social difference throughout these years: the racial criteria of the colonial times; the political precedence in the first years after independence; and the multi-criteria of the postwar period. Based on research conducted before and after the end of the civil war in 2002, the article explores the construction and reconfiguration of urban society today, providing evidence of increased social mobility—despite the poverty and deeper inequalities—and of the importance of economic and residential criteria.

This article examines the perceptions of Canada by Nigerian youths who have a desire to immigrate to Canada. It explicates why Canada remains an attraction to prospective immigrants in spite of documented accounts of racial discrimination against racial minorities in Canadian society. Based on semistructured and focus group interviews with thirty-five Nigerian youths, the study demonstrates that Nigerian youths chose Canada because the Canadian postsecondary education system can provide them with foreign credentials that will give them access to economic power and social prestige in an unfair and unequal Nigerian society. The youths are also impressed by the transnational lives of their peers and social groups residing in the West. Although the youths criticize the dysfunctions of key institutions of Nigerian society, especially the education institution, they do not deplore social inequality per se.

While salsa dance is popularly, and now globally, understood to be a symbol and expression of Latin identity, its adoption in non-Latin contexts has produced new meanings and cultural configurations. This is particularly the case in West Africa, where salsa is not only catching on among urban youth, but is becoming understood and approached from an African perspective. This article explores the ways in which salsa dance in Ghana serves as an innovative, embodied expression of a contemporary, pan-African identity. This is seen in Ghanaian dancers’ ideological reinvigoration of salsa’s African history and in the physical incorporation of local styles and presentations. Salsa in Ghana is recast through global networks, which in turn contributes to its global character while refashioning it to better suit local motives and desires. Thus, rather than emphasizing salsa’s African roots alone, dancers in Ghana equally engage with the complex routes of the dance.

This article provides a ground-level view of market taxation in two local government areas in Ghana’s relatively disadvantaged northern region. It describes a system shaped by informal practices that are grounded in social relationships and collective norms, which sometimes foster greater equity and in other cases serve to reinforce existing inequalities. The evidence suggests the need for a more nuanced understanding of the highly informal and socially embedded realities of local tax collection, and the possibility that improved outcomes could be achieved by “working with the grain” of these inescapable local realities, while seeking to minimize potential costs of informality.

On the basis of a historical and ethnographic analysis, this article shows how the concept of hybridity can be used analytically to explore the emergence of paramount and lesser chiefs in Sierra Leone and their role as figures of authority at the local level and in national politics. At the same time, it critiques the ahistorical applications of the concept that are prevalent in peace and conflict studies. The article offers insight into the processes of hybridization that chiefs constitute, and are constituted by, as they draw on multiple sources of authority, including what one scholar calls their “extremely localized” sense of belonging, as well as the legislation of a centrally governed bureaucracy.

According to the latest figures, Uganda has 6.5 billion barrels of oil deposits, which makes it the third-largest oil holder in sub-Saharan Africa. Currently the country is preparing its legal and institutional framework for proper management of the oil revenues. However, developing an effective oil sector in any of the SSA states has so far proved to be a futile task. To ensure that Uganda is not going to repeat the mistakes of Nigeria, the country’s leaders have requested Norway’s assistance in preparing Uganda’s oil sector for the upcoming production phase. The major objective of this article is to determine whether the Norwegian model of oil extraction and revenues management is transplantable to the Ugandan political, economic, and social conditions.

Inspired by the “Rhodes Must Fall” campaign, this article examines the defacement of statues and commemorative monuments in postapartheid South Africa. The term “vandalism” is problematized and, based on observation, site visits, and media reports, various cases of statue defacement are then discussed. Local events are contextualized in relation to selected postcolonial societies in Africa and other comparative international contexts. The article argues that political discontent is not necessarily expressed in overt acts of ideologically motivated vandalism, but can manifest itself equally in acts of neglect, disrespect, silence, and disengagement.