Introduction: social problems, human cognition, and behaviour

Many, if not most, societal problems are rooted in behaviour or human cognitions. For example, integration problems may result from conflicts between groups and the inherent human tendency to favour one's own group, and traffic accidents are to a large extent caused by unsafe driving styles and the unrealistic perception that one is a better driver than most others. Moreover, health problems are related to unhealthy eating habits and a sense of not being able to control one's appetite, and environmental problems result in part from growing consumption levels and a tendency to prioritize one's immediate self interests above collective interests. Consequently, solutions and prevention of such problems require changes in attitudes, values, norms, behaviour, and lifestyles (Zimbardo, 2002). Social psychologists can play an important role in this respect, by applying their theories, methods, and interventions to these problems.

Social psychology is the scientific field that seeks to understand the nature and causes of human behaviour and thought in social situations, and the motivations, cognitions, and emotions related to such behaviours. This includes behaviour and thoughts related to helping, attraction, conflict, prejudice, self-esteem, group processes, and social exclusion (Baron and Byrne, 2004). Box 1.1 illustrates how social psychologists may help resolve social problems by encouraging behaviour changes, and highlights several issues that enhance the social utility of applied social psychological studies. First, in order to design effective solutions for social problems, we have to understand which behaviour causes the given problem. Applied scientists can best focus on behaviour that significantly contributes to a social problem and where interventions would have the most impact in resolving these problems. In our example, speeding by moped riders was studied because moped riders are relatively often involved in traffic accidents, while, in turn, these traffic accidents appeared to be strongly related to speeding. Second, it is important to examine which factors influence the particular behaviour. Behaviour-change programmes will be more effective when they target important antecedents of behaviour. Thus, we need to understand which factors cause behaviour. Third, it is important to understand which intervention techniques are available to change behaviour, taking into account which behavioural antecedents are typically targeted by various intervention techniques.

Introduction

Jessica got to work on time today, but just barely. After driving down the freeway from the suburban community of Carlsbad to the city of San Diego at rush hour, she was personally aware of the congested roadways. But unlike most of us who endure traffic delays, she gets to think about it all day at her job. Jessica works for the Metropolitan Transit System in San Diego, California. Her office oversees the bus, trolley, and rail services throughout the city. Her job is to work out ways to decrease road congestion and increase use of the public transport systems. The problem is fairly clear – too many people (including Jessica!) take private cars to work. The existing streets and roadways cannot accommodate the 1.2 million residents that make use of them, and, especially during morning and evening hours when people are commuting to and from work, traffic is a major problem.

As with all of the social problems discussed throughout this book, human behaviour is the cause. Consequently, solving the problem will require a change in behaviour. But changing human behaviour can be challenging, and our chances of success can be greatly increased by incorporating a social-psychological perspective. We can begin with some basic psychological questions: What motivates a person to drive, rather than take the bus? Can we motivate and encourage residents to drive less by encouraging use of the public transport, a car-pool, or a bicycle? How do we know if our efforts to motivate behavioural change were successful? These questions reflect the primary functions of theory in applied social psychology – understanding (U), solution (S), and evaluation (E). See Figure 2.1.

For more than a hundred years, social psychologists have used the scientific method to understand the ways in which individuals think about, relate to, and are influenced by others. The discipline has amassed a large volume of theories about human behaviour, and these theories provide a foundation for understanding and solving many social problems, such as the issue of traffic congestion we just described. In this chapter, we discuss the role of theory in the field of applied social psychology, provide a broad overview of the types of theories discussed throughout this book, and conclude with some of the challenges that arise when using theory to solve social problems.

Introduction

The societal burden of unhealthy behaviours

When a baby is born, we can estimate the expected number of years the new individual will live. This life expectancy is calculated based on statistics regarding how long people in a given population usually live and is considered an important indicator of health and illness in populations. During the past 40 years, life expectancy has increased all over the world (Table 10.1), although more in some regions than in others. Besides the number of years people live, one can calculate the number of healthy years in a person's life. The at-birth expected number of healthy years of life ranges from about 40 years in African countries to about 70 years in developed countries (Mathers et al., 2004).

Although the increase in life expectancy is a good sign, many factors continue to threaten health and life expectancy. In developing and in developed countries, different factors threaten life expectancy. In developing countries (e.g., African countries, Afghanistan, Haiti, Philippines) the relatively low life expectancy is largely determined by a high child mortality rate, often related to infectious diseases, poor housing, and malnutrition. Most of the factors that underlie the high child mortality rate are more strongly determined by structural factors such as economic policy and the quality of the healthcare system than by individual behaviour. In developed countries (e.g., European countries, Canada, USA, Australia), life expectancy is largely related to lifestyle factors, such as smoking tobacco and dietary choices, as these are important causes of cancer and cardiovascular disease. Thus, as countries become more developed, the lower their child mortality rate, and the more life expectancy is determined by individual behaviours.

Smoking tobacco is one of the greatest behavioural threats to human health. It is related to several types of cancers, to heart disease, and to chronic lung disease. One in two smokers will die from smoking. On average smokers live 7 years less than non-smokers and also they live more unhealthy years. Worldwide, about 1.1 billion people smoke, representing about one-third of the population aged 15 years and older. About 3 million smokers die each year from smoking.

Introduction

The physical, mental, cognitive, and health benefits of regular physical activity, exercise and sport participation are today well documented. Regular exercise positively influences most of our physiological systems and helps in protecting against, and rehabilitation of, several chronic diseases including cardiovascular disease, numerous cancers, diabetes, stroke, and metabolic disorders (e.g., obesity). It also builds muscle and strengthens bones, preventing osteoporosis. In the elderly, it helps in maintaining balance, thereby reducing the risk of falls and maintaining independent living. This is particularly important as falls and related injuries are the leading cause of mortality and morbidity in people aged 65 years and older. Exercise also helps to alleviate symptoms of anxiety and depression and buffers against stress. Moreover, there is good evidence to suggest that regular exercise maintains brain integrity and improves cognitive functioning across the lifespan. It has been suggested that, if exercise could be packed into a pill, it would be the single most widely prescribed and beneficial medicine. Regular exercise appears to be a ‘magic bullet’ for human health and well-being.

Physical inactivity or sedentary behaviour, on the other hand, is also an important cause of health problems in Western societies. The amount of sedentary behaviour we engage in on a daily basis (e.g., watching television, surfing the internet, reading, or playing videogames), independent of how much physical activity or exercise we do, predicts ill health. For instance, a large longitudinal Canadian study showed that those who sat a very long time in one block had a 50 per cent increase in mortality in comparison to those who sat for shorter periods in one block. This study showed a dose–response relationship (positive correlation) between sitting time (duration of blocks) and ill health, which was independent of the amount of physical activity people engaged in (Katzmarzyk, Church, Craig, and Bouchard, 2009). This suggests that the time we spend sitting and its distribution across the day is related to morbidity and mortality, independent of being less or more physically active. This is why many governments across the globe have developed campaigns to promote physical activity, exercise, and sports. In this chapter, we will demonstrate that social psychologists can contribute in important ways to reach these goals.

Introduction

Behaviour always occurs in a physical environment. In many cases, the physical environment is crucially important to our thoughts, feelings, performance, behaviour, and well-being. For example, many people feel uncomfortable in the heat, and are more easily annoyed by others when temperatures are high. Traffic noise may result in stress and cardiovascular diseases, while the presence of nature improves people's health and well-being. The availability of recycling facilities increases recycling rates, and people tend to litter more in a littered environment. On the other hand, human behaviour has an impact on the environment. For example, the use of fossil fuels produces carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, urbanization reduces farmland and natural landscapes, and some species of animals become extinct by human activity.

Environmental psychologists study such interactions between humans and their physical environments. Traditionally, environmental psychologists focused on how the physical environment (e.g., buildings, noise, pollution, and the weather) affects us. More recently, much research is directed at explaining behaviour that affects the quality of the environment, for example, through energy use, water use, vehicle use, and land use. These two research directions are closely connected: individuals continuously change the environment, and, in turn, their cognitions, feelings, behaviour, and well-being are changed by the environment. Our behaviour may affect environmental conditions that are crucial for our well-being. For example, car use increases local air pollution, which can result in health problems.

Why is the relationship between humans and their environment of concern to social psychologists? The reason is that many of the topics studied by environmental psychologists have social psychological aspects. For example, to be able to design human-friendly buildings, we need to know how people perceive and value various construction designs, and how they interact and perform in different physical settings. Similarly, to promote pro-environmental behaviour, we need to know which factors influence various types of environmental behaviour, and understand which interventions may encourage pro-environmental behaviour. Not surprisingly, various social-psychological theories, research methods, and intervention techniques have been applied to the understanding and improvement of the relationship between humans and the environment.

This chapter offers a brief overview of how social psychology can be applied towards better understanding and management of human–environment relationships.

Introduction

Which scares you more: flying by plane or driving a motor vehicle? We expect you to answer “Flying, of course!” Why is this the case? One might predict that you would fear flying because you do it less regularly (you probably do not fly every day) and you are not able to have control over flying (how many of us are pilots?). Compare this with what most of us experience nearly every day, and feel we have understanding and some control over: driving. We feel more comfortable the more we drive, particularly because we (fortunately) do not regularly experience crashes, injuries, or fatalities. However, while the individual risk of road traffic crashes is low, the collective risk is rather high. Specifically, it has been estimated that more than 1 million people are killed worldwide on the roads each year, while 50 million people are injured (WHO, 2004). Within EU countries only, about 100,000 people die annually due to road traffic crashes (WHO, 2013), which is close to the population of some European cities, such as Exeter (England) or Linköping (Sweden). This chapter will argue why road traffic crashes are important to consider psychologically and discuss how social psychologists can contribute to a better understanding and reduction of such crashes.

It is clear that crashes are among the leading causes of injuries and fatalities around the world, and are thus a significant societal problem. An important question is: which factors predict crash likelihood? Is it insufficient road infrastructure? Or is it insufficient enforcement mechanisms? Is it fast-growing car use in developing nations? While all these factors certainly contribute to crash likelihood, human and behavioural factors are key predictors of crashes. Human and behavioural factors in traffic psychology refer to all factors that are initiated by road users sharing the traffic network. You are also a part of this network one way or another. Now think about your road-use behaviour. Have you ever entered the road as a pedestrian without waiting for the traffic light to turn green? Have you ever exceeded the speed limit when driving? Have you ever cycled without reflective clothing or a bike light at night?

Introduction

The application of social psychology to the study of politics is at the heart of the discipline called political psychology. Political psychology has been defined as the “application of what is known about human psychology to the study of politics” (Sears, Huddy, and Jervis, 2003, p. 3). Social psychology has been a more influential source of inspiration for the study of politics than any other subfield of psychology. Indeed, insights from social psychology have been of paramount importance in the study of both political elites and mass political behaviour. The many topics that have thus been studied include political socialization, public opinion, voting behaviour, collective political action, ideology, prejudice, political campaigns, presidential performance, policy making, conflict resolution, terrorism, and genocide (see Jost and Sidanius, 2004). Several insights about these topics have been used in attempts to change political attitudes and political behaviour that are considered undesirable, such as racial prejudice, low voter turnout, and political violence.

In this chapter we focus on three topics that have been central to political psychology: political leadership; voting behaviour; and ideology. We discuss how different types of psychological studies have contributed to understanding these crucial aspects of politics. The field of political psychology comprises at least four different types of studies.

First, some psychological studies are not directly about politics but contribute significantly to our understanding of political processes. A well-known example is Milgram's (1974) study on obedience. Asking subjects to deliver high-voltage electric shocks to other people in a learning experiment has little to do with politics per se. But the underlying principles that are uncovered – that most people obey when asked by an authority (in this case, the experimenter) – are crucial to understanding political behaviour, such as the loyalty of civil servants to their political leaders. These insights contribute, for example, to understanding how the tragedy of the Holocaust could have occurred.

The second type of research concerns studies by psychologists who select political topics as object of their research. An example that we discuss below is Ajzen and Fishbein's (1980) work on the theory of reasoned action. When applying their theory, one of the topics they focused on was voting behaviour. Ajzen and Fishbein's aim was not to explain political phenomena as such.

Introduction

Watching the evening news on any given night should assure you that applied social psychologists have much to do. Societal problems abound. Epidemics such as obesity and game addiction, increasing levels of consumer debt, bullying and drugs in schools, vehicle collisions in traffic, and environmental degradation pose significant economic problems, as well as devastating costs in terms of human suffering and loss of life. Because human behaviour contributes to each of these societal problems, human behaviour can also be a critical part of the solution. As experts in the development and evaluation of behaviour-focused interventions, behavioural scientists and social psychologists are uniquely equipped to tackle these problems and make a difference in improving the quality of life in our societies.

This chapter provides an overview of techniques used for large-scale behaviour-based intervention. When it comes to applying psychological principles to change behaviour on a large scale, behavioural scientists have been at the forefront. We therefore begin by describing some of the fundamental assumptions of a behavioural-science approach to intervention design and evaluation. Next, we outline six intervention techniques, which have been successfully used by behavioural scientists to improve behaviour in various domains. Finally, we outline six social-psychological principles that can enhance the beneficial impact of these interventions. When you finish reading this chapter, you will understand the principles and procedures of a variety of interventions which can be used to address problem-relevant behaviour.

A behavioural-science approach to intervention

The applied behavioural-science approach to intervention is based on the scientific philosophy of B. F. Skinner. Instead of targeting internal events such as thoughts and attitudes – as is often the focus of contemporary awareness campaigns – Skinner believed psychologists should focus on behaviour because, unlike thoughts and feelings, behaviours can be reliably observed and measured. Thus, the behavioural-science approach to intervention seeks to measure and influence observable behaviour.

A second principle of Skinner's approach is ‘selection by consequences’. In other words, we do what we do because of the consequences that follow our behaviour. More specifically, we do what we do in order to gain positive consequences or to avoid or escape negative consequences.

Introduction

Mental health disorders represent one of the most common problems facing adults: within a twelve-month period, nearly 30 per cent of the population in developed countries experiences some diagnosable mental health disorder. Although exact numbers are lacking, it is estimated that, because of the emotional burden of poverty, mental disorders are even more common in underdeveloped countries. Mental health disorders pose an enormous emotional burden on the individuals suffering from them, as well as an economic burden on society, especially in terms of people's incapacity to work. The global costs of mental illness are estimated to rise from US$2.5 trillion in 2010 to US$6.0 trillion by 2030.

Clinical psychologists are concerned with analysing the causes of mental problems from which people may suffer, and with helping people to deal with such problems. Yet, mental health problems are of interest to social psychologists as well. Mental health problems are to an important extent rooted in how individuals perceive their social world, and in how individuals function in their interpersonal relationships. It is, of course, not possible to describe everything that social psychologists do in the field of mental health in just one chapter. Therefore, this chapter focuses on three mental health problems: a disturbed body image, depression, and relationship problems. These three problems are highly relevant topics for applied social psychologists because of their high incidence and debilitating consequences for both the individuals suffering from them and their social context. For instance, marital problems may cause not only spouses to suffer from depression, anxiety and/or drug and alcohol abuse, but also their children, as well as increase the chance that their grandchildren experience family problems and divorce. In this chapter, we discuss what social psychological factors may give rise to these problems, how social psychologists conduct research to understand these problems, and how social psychology can contribute to their prevention and, possibly, treatment.

Disturbed body image

The term body image refers to the internal representation individuals have of their appearance: the thoughts, perceptions, feelings, and evaluations they have of their body. A central component of body image is the extent to which individuals are satisfied with the way they look. Body image (or body satisfaction) may best be conceptualized as a continuum, with levels of disturbance ranging from none to extreme.

HITLER'S APPEALS IN GERMANY

While it has been well established and widely known that Hitler enjoyed broad popular support in Germany it is not well known that his supporters included large numbers of academic intellectuals and other highly educated groups. Even less is known about the sympathy, sometimes outright admiration he enjoyed among many intellectuals outside Germany. Sympathy among the latter was less widespread and less durable; nonetheless it did exist for a period of time and included some notable Western intellectuals, as will be shown below.

Although the cult of Hitler was distinguished by its intensity and spontaneity, it had several features in common with the cults of other twentieth-century dictators, notably that of Stalin. Richard Overy wrote:

The personality of the leader matters far more in a dictatorship than in a democracy. Unencumbered by the constraints of institutions, legal norms, and public opinion, the dictator's personality exerts much greater influence on the exercise of power than that of elected leaders. In this study attention will be paid both to the actual personality of the dictators (insofar as evidence permits) and their images, or perceptions, and especially the positive impression they made on many Western intellectuals.

There is considerable evidence (presented below) indicating that many well-known twentieth-century intellectuals admired dictators of various ideological persuasion, as well as the political system they represented. Such admiration, often merging into hero worship, was an integral part of a substantial body of political misjudgments. Misjudgments of this kind were not limited to intellectuals: artists, scientists, journalists, clergymen, businessmen, and politicians too were capable of making them. In the following I will make occasional reference to the latter as well, especially when their misjudgments were similar to those of the intellectuals.

The admiration of dictators and dictatorships was seamlessly integrated: the attractions of individual dictators were inseparable from the appeals of the social-political system they symbolized, and the pages that follow reflect this connection. I did not come across a single case of a political system that was found admirable, but not its leader, or conversely, reverence for the dictator unaccompanied by positive sentiments about the system.

What Milovan Djilas, a leading Yugoslav communist functionary (and subsequently critic of the system), said of Stalin applies, in all probability, to other dictators as well, as discussed below, and accounts for their appeal: “He was the incarnation of an idea, transfigured … into pure idea, and thereby into something infallible and sinless.”

Two general propositions may explain the durable attraction of communist dictators, such as Stalin, for many Western intellectuals. The first is the profound ignorance of the personalities, policies, and intentions of these dictators. The other is a remarkable capacity for projection and wishful thinking on the part of many intellectuals (of all human beings) for attributing qualities they highly value to individuals they were disposed to admire. Even when such circumstances are taken into account, the gulf between the reality (as summarized, for example, in the assessments of Kennan and Djilas) and the deluded positive views of Stalin (to be sampled below) is so enormous that its satisfactory explanation and understanding requires both considerable effort and imagination.

It is of course easier to account for the reverence and the susceptibility to his cult on the part of the Soviet population, intellectuals included. The Soviet public could not avoid daily exposure to the systematic and thorough bombardment by the deified images of Stalin disseminated by the institutions of propaganda and education. At the same time it could also be argued that the cult might have encountered greater resistance among Soviet citizens who had intimate, daily personal experience of the many discrepancies between the promises of the authorities, Stalin included, and the disillusioning realities of their life – economic as well as political.

This book was devoted, for the most part, to attempts to better understand why many Western intellectuals thought well of various contemporary dictators and the political systems they created and dominated. Since in my earlier work (Political Pilgrims) I examined such misjudgments that pertained only to communist states, this time I was interested in finding out if dictatorships of different ideological foundations and histories were also similarly misperceived and idealized. Italian fascism, Nazi Germany, and dictatorships in the Arab world, among others, allowed broader comparisons. It became apparent that there was no shortage of similar misjudgments and illusions inspired by these regimes and their leaders. These findings suggest that the beliefs and dispositions in question have deep roots that transcend the attractions of specific (mostly leftist) ideologies and the political systems that sought to realize them. These sentiments, and the associated misjudgments, originate in a combination of ignorance, idealism, high expectations, wishful thinking, and possibly some other shared personal traits (yet to be identified) of the individuals we call intellectuals.

As to ignorance, Anthony Daniels (whose opinions I respect) disagrees:

Doubtless such information was available but not widely disseminated, and those favorably disposed toward the regimes concerned were not anxious to seek it out, and if encountered preferred to question it.

CASTRO'S CHARISMA AND CULT

The admiration of Fidel Castro by intellectuals and non-intellectuals alike stands out as one of the purest instances of political hero worship in our times. Castro was exceptionally well suited for this role: he was young (when his worship began and was most intense), handsome, dynamic, articulate, a powerful speaker, a genuine revolutionary and guerilla fighter who overthrew an oppressive government. He was, in all probability, the most charismatic of all the dictators considered in this study. Georgie Anne Geyer noted his “unusual physical and psychological, propensities – the frenzied and ceaseless talking … the manic energy that seemed almost superhuman as he often went days without sleeping.” He often met visitors from abroad late night or early morning (like Stalin), impressing them with his stamina.