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8542 results in Developmental psychology

Page 289 of 428

  • 12 - New Times and New Literacies: Themes for a Changing World

  • Edited by Arnetha F. Ball, Stanford University, California, Sarah Warshauer Freedman, University of California, Berkeley
  • Book:
    Bakhtinian Perspectives on Language, Literacy, and Learning
    Published online:
    24 May 2010
    Print publication:
    23 August 2004, pp 279-306

  • Summary

    THE OLD CAPITALISM

    Before I talk about new literacies for new times, let me start with old literacies for old times. First, by old times I mean the old capitalism (industrial capitalism, Fordism). The old capitalism (Drucker, 1999; Kanigel, 1997) is a social formation that has been transformed by our current high-tech, global new capitalism (see Castells, 1996; Gee, Hull, & Lankshear, 1996; Greider, 1997; Reich, 1992; Smith, 1995). The old capitalism did not disappear, it still exists as a foregrounded formation in the “developing world” and as a backgrounded formation in the “developed world” (Drucker, 1999; Greider, 1997).

    The old capitalism was born in warfare between workers and bosses over how work would be done and how fast it should be carried out (Kanigel, 1997). In the end, the workers lost the battle. Thanks to “Taylorism,” work came to be carried out at a pace and in terms of procedures determined by a “science” of efficiency, not by workers themselves. The craft knowledge of the workers was removed from the workers' heads and bodies and placed into the science of work, the rules of the workplace, and the dictates of managers and bosses. A top-down system was created in terms of which knowledge and control existed at the top (the bosses) and not at the bottom (the workers). Middle managers conveyed and mediated knowledge, information, and control between the top and the bottom.

  • 4 - The Teaching of Academic Language to Minority Second Language Learners

  • Edited by Arnetha F. Ball, Stanford University, California, Sarah Warshauer Freedman, University of California, Berkeley
  • Book:
    Bakhtinian Perspectives on Language, Literacy, and Learning
    Published online:
    24 May 2010
    Print publication:
    23 August 2004, pp 66-98

  • Summary

    Within the last several years, individuals working with English language learners have focused increasingly on the development of the types of language proficiencies that are required to perform successfully in academic contexts. Most practitioners and researchers agree that, in order to succeed in American schools, such learners must be given the opportunity to acquire academic, rather than everyday, language.

    Unfortunately, in spite of the growing interest in the kind of language that will result in school success, we currently lack a single definition or even general agreement about what is meant by academic language. Although this has been discouraging and problematic for a number of practitioners, what is significant is that many more groups and individuals are now engaging in the examination of what they understand to be academic language and inquiring about its role in the school success of language-minority children. It is my position that it is both useful and productive to try to unravel and examine what different individuals mean by the various terms used to refer to academic language and particularly to understand the dialogic nature of the discussion itself – a discussion held at professional meetings, at conferences, in articles published in journals, and in entire books written by scholars as they consciously or unconsciously respond to other voices in the dialogue. These voices include those heard through the popular media, those of political activists of various types and backgrounds, and those of everyday citizens who want to inform themselves before voting on now-popular propositions that directly focus on language.

  • 1 - Ideological Becoming: Bakhtinian Concepts to Guide the Study of Language, Literacy, and Learning

  • Edited by Arnetha F. Ball, Stanford University, California, Sarah Warshauer Freedman, University of California, Berkeley
  • Book:
    Bakhtinian Perspectives on Language, Literacy, and Learning
    Published online:
    24 May 2010
    Print publication:
    23 August 2004, pp 3-33

  • Summary

    In his recent exhibit, “Migrations,” photographer Sebastiao Salgado (2000) looks through his camera's eye to tell what he calls “a story of our times,” a story of massive and global movements of people. Most often these people are migrating because they seek refuge from rural poverty, or because they are refugees or displaced persons whose movements are caused by war or other political, ethnic, or religious conflict. Salgado presents haunting images of outstretched hands reaching for a new life that is just out of grasp, hungry children in parched landscapes that yield no food, masses on the move with nowhere to go. These images come from Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Americas. These are not the typical media images of globalization, which associate modernity with progress and prosperity, new technologies, and high-speed travel. We acknowledge the typical modern images, but we also think it critical not to forget Salgado's more disturbing images, which are also images of our times.

    Salgado could just as easily have fixed his lens on disturbing scenes in the United States: the hungry and homeless who migrate from shelter to street in search of spare change or a bite to eat, undernourished school children moving from home to school on unsafe streets, gangs of teenagers crossing neighborhood boundaries to mark territory and engage in seemingly senseless battles. In everyday life, these scenes occur in the context of great wealth and plenty that often exists right around the corner.

  • 13 - The Process of Ideological Becoming

  • Edited by Arnetha F. Ball, Stanford University, California, Sarah Warshauer Freedman, University of California, Berkeley
  • Book:
    Bakhtinian Perspectives on Language, Literacy, and Learning
    Published online:
    24 May 2010
    Print publication:
    23 August 2004, pp 317-332

  • Summary

    Sarah Freedman and Arnetha Ball describe learning as a dialogic process. It is not merely a transmission of knowledge, but an activity in which whole selves are formed and acquire new capacities for development. We live in a world of enormous cultural diversity, and the various languages and points of view – ideologies in Bakhtin's sense – of students have become a fact that cannot be ignored. Teachers need to enter into a dialogue with those points of view and to help students do the same. For difference may best be understood not as an obstacle but as an opportunity.

    The range of “authoritative” and “innerly persuasive discourses” in our classrooms appears to be growing along with our cultural diversity. Freedman and Ball observe: “This rich and complex ‘contact zone’ inside the classroom yields plentiful opportunity for students to decide what will be internally persuasive for them, and consequently for them to develop their ideologies. This diversity presents both challenges and opportunities as teachers seek to guide their students on this developmental journey” (pp. 8–9, this volume). The journey they have in mind does not so much lead to a particular goal as establish an ever-enriching process of learning.

    Freedman and Ball's approach grows out of Bakhtin's key concepts, especially one that has been largely neglected in research on him: “ideological becoming” (see Chapter 11, this volume). The implications of the essays in this volume therefore extend well beyond educational theory and practice to the humanities and social sciences generally.

  • 3 - An Overview of Economic and Social Opportunities and Disadvantage in European Households

  • from Part II - Human Capital
    • By Brian Nolan, Ph.D., Research Professor, Economic and Social Research Institute, Dublin, Ireland, Bertrand Maitre, Researcher, Economic and Social Research Institute, Dublin, Ireland
  • Edited by P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale, Northwestern University, Illinois, Kathleen Kiernan, London School of Economics and Political Science, Ruth J. Friedman
  • Book:
    Human Development across Lives and Generations
    Published online:
    12 October 2018
    Print publication:
    02 August 2004, pp 31-62

  • Summary

    The socioeconomic position one Starts from in life is a key determinant of life chances, as consistently shown by a vast research literature across different disciplines and relating to various industrialized societies. However, that socioeconomic starting point is a far from perfect predictor of outcomes - some people do better, and some worse, from what look to be similar starting points. Furthermore, the price paid by those who do poorly can itself be very different in different societies. So there is much to be learned from the way different societies seek to promote healthy development and minimize the price of failure. The aim of this chapter is to provide an overview of socioeconomic disadvantage versus opportunity in Europe. It is focused in particular on human capital and its relationship to opportunities and disadvantage for individuals and households over the life course. It both draws on recent research and investigates an exciting new source of comparative data, the European Community Household Panel survey (ECHP). This allows an in-depth examination of the countries currently in the European Union (EU), which we put in perspective where possible by drawing on information about a number of countries soon to join the Union, and about Canada and the United States.

    We begin with an overview of disadvantage and opportunities, two sides of the same coin, in Section 3.1. We describe the extent of poverty in the EU, and more broadly in the rieh countries of the world, and conversely the living Standards and opportunities enjoyed by those who are doing well. There is much to be learned from examination of a snapshot picture, particularly given this comparative perspective, but it is also essential to incorporate the dynamic processes at work over time. We therefore exploit the fact that persistence versus change in income poverty from year to year - albeit over a relatively short period - can also be explored using panel data from the first three waves of the ECHP. Measuring both persistence of low income and direct experience of deprivation allows us to capture the extent and nature of poverty and exclusion much more fully than a measure of current income alone.

    We then turn to human capital, where we have to rely on educational attainment as an incomplete but widely available indicator.

Human Development across Lives and Generations
  • The Potential for Change
  • Edited by P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale, Kathleen Kiernan, Ruth J. Friedman
  • Published online:
    12 October 2018
    Print publication:
    02 August 2004
  • Our volume examines the potential for change during the life course and across generations. We address the possibilities for promoting healthy development from infancy to adulthood in three key domains: human capital, partnership behavior, and child and adolescent development. Drawing from the disciplines of economics, demography, sociology, psychology, and psychiatry, our volume takes a multidisciplinary approach to review relevant empirical work regarding aspects of change and continuity, and the ways in which policies and programs might bring about change. We feature chapters from leading researchers in five countries to address these important issues. The main purpose of our volume is to link and integrate the lessons learned from multiple disciplines about change and continuity in order to examine how our nations can improve life chances.

  • 8 - Strengthening Partnerships and Families

  • from Part III - Partnership Behavior
    • By Kurt Hahlweg, Technische Universitat Braunschweig, Braunschwieg, Germany
  • Edited by P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale, Northwestern University, Illinois, Kathleen Kiernan, London School of Economics and Political Science, Ruth J. Friedman
  • Book:
    Human Development across Lives and Generations
    Published online:
    12 October 2018
    Print publication:
    02 August 2004, pp 204-236

  • Summary

    “Marriage is one of the most nearly universal of human institutions. No other touches so intimately the life of practically every member of the earth's population” (Terman, 1938, p. 1). Terman's introductory lines (written in 1938) are still characterizing the Status of marriage today. Across almost all countries and cultures most people are involved in intimate couple relationships at some point in their lives, may it be marriage or cohabitation (Buss, 1995). Since 1970, marriage rates are declining in most western countries, the average age at marriage is increasing, and the rate of cohabitation is growing. However, marriage remains the most populär means of expressing commitment in a couple relationship. Based on data from the 90s, within five years of cohabitation between 50% to 66% of couples in most European countries (US: 82%) had married (with the exception of Sweden: 33%), while between 25% and 33% had dissolved their relationship (US: 47%; see Kiernan, this volume). At least until the 90s, by the age of 50 about 90% of the population in western countries is or was married at least once (McDonald, 1995).

    In this chapter, the determinants of marital distress and the effectiveness of preventive interventions to reduce relationship problems will be summarized with a focus on cognitive-behavioral approaches and findings from longitudinal studies, conducted in the United States and Europe. The various prevention interventions do have the potential to promote the healthy development of our nations. However, concentrated, nationwide efforts are necessary to change the current trend of deteriorating families.

    Relationship Satisfaction

    There is no agreed upon definition for a satisfying relationship. However, most researchers believe “that relationship satisfaction can be defined as an individual partner's global sentiment about, or evaluation of, their relationship. An advantage of this construct is that it does not define an ideal relationship, but rather asks partners to rate the extent to which their relationship satisfies their individual expectations” (Haiford, 2000, p. 13).

    In research, relationship satisfaction (or quality or adjustment)is usually measured in the form of the score on a standardardized self-report measure. Examples are the Locke-Wallace Marital Adjustment Test MAT (Locke & Wallace, 1959), the Dyadic Adjustment Scale DAS (Spanier, 1976), or the Partnerschaftsfragebogen PFB (Partnership Questionnaire, Hahlweg, 1996).

  • 2 - Life-Course Development: The Interplay of Social Selection and Social Causation within and across Generations

  • from Part I - Introduction and Overview
  • Edited by P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale, Northwestern University, Illinois, Kathleen Kiernan, London School of Economics and Political Science, Ruth J. Friedman
  • Book:
    Human Development across Lives and Generations
    Published online:
    12 October 2018
    Print publication:
    02 August 2004, pp 8-28

  • Summary

    Basic and applied scientists who study psychosocial influences on human development confront a similar challenge, which is to conduct research that can achieve two goals. First, we need to conduct research that can separate the effects of persons on their environments (i.e., self-selection processes) from environmental effects on the person (i.e., social causation processes). Second, in order to understand the origins of well being and dysfunction within and across generations, we need to conduct research that can differentiate environmental effects on persons from genetic effects. My aim in this chapter is to articulate why these goals are important, and to illustrate how these goals can be tackled in the Service of carrying out policy-relevant research. The chapter is divided into two broad sections. First, I will focus on self-selection processes, where I will emphasize three inter related points, namely (1) that selection effects pose a formidable challenge for policy initiatives, (2) that selection effects have compositional consequences that are important to consider when designing interventions, and (3) that selection effects need to be understood and analyzed, not simply controlled statistically. Second, I will focus on social causation processes, where I will demonstrate that, paradoxically, genetic designs can provide especially valuable information about how socioenvironmental influences shape children's development.

    Self-Selection Processes across the Life Course

    A long-standing question in the social sciences concerns the source of the relation between social circumstances and individual psychology. Do social circumstances alter individual psychology or do psychological characteristics lead people into their social circumstances? For over fifty years, scientific battles have been waged over these two alternatives. Research in the “selection” tradition argues that people enter environments selectively, sometimes by choice or more often by virtue of constraints imposed by their psychological characteristics. Alternatively, research in the “social causation” tradition argues that socioenvironmental conditions lead people to develop certain unique psychological attributes. These competing explanations have been applied to account for the persistence of observed inequalities in health (both physical and psychological) across the life course (intragenerational continuity) and across generations (intergenerational continuity). Further, these two competing explanations also imply competing recommendations for interventions to enhance health and well-being. Not surprisingly, it is generally agreed that Republicans and Tories favor “selection” arguments and Democrats and Labourites favor “social causation” arguments. Partisanship aside, it is important to appreciate the consequential nature of selection effects.

  • 12 - Human Development and the Potential for Change from the Perspective of Multiple Disciplines: What Have We Learned?

  • from Part V - Conclusion
  • Edited by P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale, Northwestern University, Illinois, Kathleen Kiernan, London School of Economics and Political Science, Ruth J. Friedman
  • Book:
    Human Development across Lives and Generations
    Published online:
    12 October 2018
    Print publication:
    02 August 2004, pp 343-366

  • Summary

    This volume has applied a multidisciplinary lens to the consideration of the potential for change in human development. Understanding what we know about promoting positive trajectories in human lives requires knowledge from a combination of disciplines. Our emphasis has been on demography, economics, sociology, psychiatry, and psychology. Our purpose in compiling the volume was to engage scholars in articulating what is known about continuity in human development within their own disciplines and in examining possible linkages across fields. Leading economists and demographers address issues in human capital formation. Similarly, cutting edge demographers and psychologists examine partnership behavior. And last, prominent scientists in psychiatry and psychology outline key dimensions of psychological development. A major theme cutting across all disciplinary perspectives is the potential for change. In this chapter we pull together what is learned from these authors. We organize the chapter around three central questions:

  • • What are the current trends in human capital, partnership behavior, and psychological development?

  • • What do we know about the continuity of development over lifetimes and across generations?

  • • What are new ways to think about interventions and the potential for change in the life course or across generations?

    • Descriptive Summaries and Evidence for Lifetime and Intergeneration Continuity

    Human Capital: Levels and Trends Across Countries

    Brian Nolan and Bertrand Maitre in chapter three define human capital as the education, skills, and experience that are required for success in the labor force. John Hobcraft in chapter four broadens this perspective by considering a wide ränge of parental, childhood, and early adult legacies and their links to later social exclusion, a European term for the many correlates of low human capital. Greg Duncan and Katherine Magnuson in chapter five add to this definition the skills and experience that are valued at home. One of the most widespread measures of human capital is completed years of schooling.

    Today, most Citizens in Europe and North America have attained an upper secondary level (or high school graduate level) of education or higher. Still, great variability exists in the distribution of human capital across these countries (Nolan & Bertram, this volume). For example, in several countries, including Ireland, Greece, and Belgium, the proportion of the population with lower secondary level of education or less is quite high, characterizing 40% of the population or more.

Page 289 of 428