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1649 results in South-East Asian government, politics and policy

Page 37 of 83

  • Part I - Framing the Debate

  • Edited by Irene Calboli, Singapore Management University, Wee Loon Ng-Loy, National University of Singapore
  • Book:
    Geographical Indications at the Crossroads of Trade, Development, and Culture
    Published online:
    22 June 2017
    Print publication:
    16 June 2017, pp 1-144
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  • The Emergence of Pork-Barrel Politics in Parliamentary Myanmar

  • Renaud Egreteau
  • Book:
    The Emergence of Pork-Barrel Politics in Parliamentary Myanmar
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    30 May 2017, pp 1-23

  • Summary

    In representative parliamentary systems, voters normally anticipate that the candidate they pick will not only address their concerns once in office, but also provide them with services and goods that only an official position in a major state institution would help secure. A large body of research has explained why freshly elected officials are therefore first and foremost expected to work for the constituents who elected them, secure new benefits for them, while preventing extant resources from being taken away from them (Fenno 1978; Cain et al. 1987; Mezey 2008, pp. 38–39). Expectations from constituents can thus run very high. More often than not, legislators are held accountable for the tangible benefits they bring to their constituencies rather than their overall legislative effectiveness or role in the scrutiny of other branches of government.

    Among the legislative tools that can help an elected representative provide regular benefits to his/her constituents are district-level development funds and other “pork-barrel” spending programmes. The politics of “pork barrel” describes, in a pejorative way, the process that national-level officials use to obtain special government funds (or “pork”) to finance projects benefiting their own local constituencies. They “pass on pork” by redistributing governmental tax revenues to their home districts and, in the process, hope to build a clientele of loyal voters and win re-election to office. Criticism against distributive politics and pork barrelling programmes abounds worldwide. Pork-barrel spending indeed routinely open avenues for corruption, reinforces electoral clientelism and political patronage, encourages a considerable waste of public money, while keeping politicians away from national policymaking focus.

    Yet, Myanmar has recently rediscovered the practicality and value of such programmes. In 2014, new legislation introducing a Constituency Development Fund (hereafter CDF) was passed by the Union parliament, then dominated by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Once Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) took control of the bicameral legislature after the elections held in November 2015, the new ruling party chose to continue the CDF scheme. Drawing on recent field research and interviews with elected parliamentarians, this paper will investigate initial patterns of “pork-barrel” politics in Myanmar under both the former USDP government (2014–16) and the early NLD administration (2016–17).

    The paper starts with a brief review of the literature on “pork-barrel politics” and the international debates on constituency-level development funds.

  • Foreword

  • Renaud Egreteau
  • Book:
    The Emergence of Pork-Barrel Politics in Parliamentary Myanmar
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    30 May 2017, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policy makers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

  • The Emergence of Pork-Barrel Politics in Parliamentary Myanmar

  • Renaud Egreteau
  • Book:
    The Emergence of Pork-Barrel Politics in Parliamentary Myanmar
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    30 May 2017, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • Myanmar introduced in 2014 a constituency development fund (CDF) to sponsor small public works and development projects in each of the country's 330 electoral constituencies.

  • • As a form of “pork-barrel” spending, CDF programmes have long remained controversial among international donors, anti-corruption agencies and civil society watchdogs for their potential for corruption, embezzlement, waste of public money, vote-buying and other clientelistic behaviours.

  • • The CDF has however emerged in as an extremely popular instrument for lawmakers, in offering new opportunities for meeting the basic infrastructure and development needs of local communities. The scheme has also fostered more frequent interactions among parliamentarians, local bureaucrats, and citizens. Mechanisms for vetting and monitoring the CDF projects seem also to have grown stronger each year.

  • • Rumours about petty corruption and misappropriation cases have gradually surfaced, particularly since the National League for Democracy (NLD) took control of the legislature in 2016. Yet in the first three fiscal years of its implementation, the scheme did not lead to any known major punitive action.

  • • There is also not yet enough of a record to identify credible linkages between the use of CDFs and the building of an electoral clientele by politicians — another common criticism of “pork-barrel” funding.

The Emergence of Pork-Barrel Politics in Parliamentary Myanmar
  • Renaud Egreteau
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    30 May 2017
  • In 2014 Myanmar introduced a constituency development fund (CDF) to sponsor small public works and development projects in each of the country's 330 electoral constituencies. As a form of "pork-barrel" spending, CDF programmes have long remained controversial among international donors, anti-corruption agencies and civil society watchdogs for their potential for corruption, embezzlement, waste of public money, vote-buying and other clientelistic behaviours. The CDF has however emerged in as an extremely popular instrument for lawmakers, in offering new opportunities for meeting the basic infrastructure and development needs of local communities. The scheme has also fostered more frequent interactions among parliamentarians, local bureaucrats, and citizens. Mechanisms for vetting and monitoring the CDF projects seem also to have grown stronger each year. Rumours about petty corruption and misappropriation cases have gradually surfaced, particularly since the National League for Democracy (NLD) took control of the legislature in 2016. Yet in the first three fiscal years of its implementation, the scheme did not lead to any known major punitive action. There is also not yet enough of a record to identify credible linkages between the use of CDFs and the building of an electoral clientele by politicians — another common criticism of "pork-barrel" funding.

  • Investigating the Popularity of Surabaya's Mayor Tri Rismaharini

  • Ulla Fionna
  • Book:
    Investigating the Popularity of Surabaya's Mayor Tri Rismaharini
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    30 March 2017, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • Indonesia's decentralization and direct local elections have produced several credible popular local leaders. One of them is Surabaya's mayor, Tri Rismaharini (Risma), who gained much attention for her impressive work ethics and her commitment in improving the city. Together with new vice mayor Whisnu Sakti Buana, she was successfully re-elected for the second term in 2015.

  • • Examination on the perception and support for her policies on cleanliness, the closure of Dolly (Surabaya's main red light district) and the management of education reveals that Risma is perceived as a capable leader.

  • • However, Surabaya residents still want Risma to do more on those particular fronts. This finding signals maturing voters who are not only aware of their needs and what their government does, but also are able to push their leaders to develop their successful policies further.

  • • Risma's success in Surabaya showcases an effective combination between an electorate that is politically savvy and a bold local leader with a clear and sustained focus in the implementation of her policies.

  • Foreword

  • Ulla Fionna
  • Book:
    Investigating the Popularity of Surabaya's Mayor Tri Rismaharini
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    30 March 2017, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policy makers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

Investigating the Popularity of Surabaya's Mayor Tri Rismaharini
  • Ulla Fionna
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    30 March 2017
  • Indonesia's decentralization and direct local elections have produced several credible popular local leaders. One of them is Surabaya's mayor, Tri Rismaharini (Risma), who gained much attention for her impressive work ethics and her commitment in improving the city. Together with new vice mayor Whisnu Sakti Buana, she was successfully re-elected for the second term in 2015. Examination on the perception and support for her policies on cleanliness, the closure of Dolly (Surabaya's main red light district) and the management of education reveals that Risma is perceived as a capable leader. However, Surabaya residents still want Risma to do more on those particular fronts. This finding signals maturing voters who are not only aware of their needs and what their government does, but also are able to push their leaders to develop their successful policies further. Risma's success in Surabaya showcases an effective combination between an electorate that is politically savvy and a bold local leader with a clear and sustained focus in the implementation of her policies.

  • Investigating the Popularity of Surabaya's Mayor Tri Rismaharini

  • Ulla Fionna
  • Book:
    Investigating the Popularity of Surabaya's Mayor Tri Rismaharini
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    30 March 2017, pp 1-24

  • Summary

    Indonesia's decentralization — with which some authority has been passed to the regions — has produced popular leaders such as the current president Joko Widodo (Jokowi), Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok), Bandung mayor Ridwan Kamil, and Surabaya mayor Tri Rismaharini (Risma). This new breed of Indonesian leaders are popularly elected in direct elections, unlike their appointed predecessors under Suharto's New Order. These appointed local leaders were essentially individuals chosen by the Ministry of Home Affairs with the approval of local legislatures. Often, they were retired military generals or former bureaucrats who were appointed as extensions of the central administration. Now held regularly, direct elections often see the rise of ambitious rich individuals with questionable leadership skills, but they have also elected self-made leaders with a strong track record in either the government bureaucracy or as professionals.

    Among those who rose from bureaucratic circles is Surabaya's mayor Tri Rismaharini (fondly known as Bu Risma). This article investigates her popularity by looking at how her policies have been perceived by the Surabayan voters. Risma's popularity is fascinating and important to investigate, particularly as Jokowi himself launched his presidency based on his credentials first as mayor of Solo and then as governor of Jakarta. Such a trajectory has amplified the positions of local leaders and meant that they are closely watched as possible upcoming national leaders.

    This paper selects specific policies in certain areas under Risma's administration, and investigates how they have been perceived by voters. By doing so, it aims to formulate an informed answer on what voters want, and the extent to which a leader's popularity would translate to votes. It is argued here that the case of Risma in Surabaya points to the positive outcome of direct local elections when voters are presented with candidates with a good track record. Cases such as in Surakarta where Jokowi was re-elected with more than 90 per cent of votes in 2010, and Ridwan Kamil who won the Bandung mayorship in 2013 by more than 27 per cent of the votes, show that voters do scrutinize their potential leaders. The success of Risma demonstrates that beyond the aspects of popularity and celebrity status, many more voters inspect the track records of candidates closely. This development may lessen the influence of money politics and vote-buying in elections, and in turn lessen the preponderance of personality cults.

  • APPENDIX A

  • Ulla Fionna
  • Book:
    Investigating the Popularity of Surabaya's Mayor Tri Rismaharini
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    30 March 2017, pp 25-25

  • Summary

    Research Design

    The data for this article is a result of a survey on public opinion and voting behaviour that was done on three cities (Medan, Surabaya, Samarinda) shortly after the 9 December 2015 elections. To determine the population samples in the location, a multi-stage random sampling strategy was used, with villages as the primary sampling unit (PSU). First, the population of each city based on total population at the subdistrict (kecamatan) level was stratified to obtain proportional samples in each of the sub-districts. Then the population was stratified further based on the area of domicile (rural vs. urban) to ensure a representative proportion between urban and rural residents in each sub-district. For this article, the respondents are completely urban residents as Surabaya is overwhelmingly urban. Finally, gender was stratified to have an equal number of female and male respondents.

    For each municipality, samples were drawn in proportion to the population size of each sub-district, and the randomization process followed these main steps. First, kelurahan (the urban equivalent of villages) were selected in each sub-district according to the subdistrict's respective proportion of population. Second, all neighbourhood organizations (rukun tetangga or RT) in each PSU were listed and five of them were selected at random for each unit. Third, two households were selected at random in each RT. Finally, in each selected household, all household members aged 17 years or older were listed, and one person selected with the aid of the Kish Grid. If a female respondent was selected from one household, a male respondent would be selected from another household. In case the selected respondent could not be interviewed (not available after two visits during interview time in the village, refused to be interviewed, etc.), the respondent was substituted by repeating stages three and four above.

  • Johor Remains the Bastion of Kaum Tua

  • Norshahril Saat
  • Book:
    Johor Remains the Bastion of Kaum Tua
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    09 March 2019
    Print publication:
    17 January 2017, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • Many scholars on Malaysia have recognized that Salafism-Wahhabism has penetrated substantially into the country's political and social life.

  • • The southern state of Johor has always been considered, and remains, the bastion of kaum tua, with its religious institutions dominated by ulama (religious scholars) who are traditionalist in character but tolerant of religious practices that are infused with local culture and mysticism. These scholars have also tended to maintain conservative attitudes on gender issues, inter-religious relations, and intra-faith differences.

  • • The Sultan of Johor appoints the Mufti whose primary role is to issue fatwas (religious rulings) and be the ex-officio of the Johor Islamic Religious Council, the highest Islamic body in the state. Johor's Muftis are dominantly political quietists, and loyal to the ruling family.

  • • Occasional interventions by the Sultan of Johor in the religious sphere have proved crucial in ensuring that the state maintains its Malay character. The Sultan also acts to protect the state's religious institutions from encroachment by the federal government.

Page 37 of 83