INTRODUCTION

Populism can be revolutionary, because a prescriptive conception of democracy is not able to rule our globalised world and economy. Therefore, the question that populism tries to answer is: how can we represent the people, leftalone to face the uncertain economic and social relationships that are the by-products of the globalized economy?

In D. Rodrik's opinion, for example, we find this strong root:

The impact of globalisation is different in every part of the world, and we therefore have a variety of populist movements. However, we are witnessing the predominance of right-wing populism in the current wave. This brand of populism emphasises a cultural cleavage: the national, ethnic, religious or cultural identity of the ‘people’ against outside groups who allegedly pose a threat to the popular will. In the United States (US), Donald Trump has at various points demonised the Mexicans, Chinese and Muslims. In Europe, right-wing populists portray Muslim immigrants, minority groups (Roma or Jews) and the faceless bureaucrats of Brussels as the ‘other’.

An alternative type of populism revolves around a largely economic cleavage between the wealthy groups who control the economy and define its rules and the lower-income groups without access to power. The calculation of the distance between the people and the power is explored by F. Sureau:’ It is hard to live, especially as a conscious citizen, in a world that seems to escape both organizing reason and political action’.