Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-84b7d79bbc-2l2gl Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-25T16:35:54.603Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

5 - Correspondence in reduplication

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 June 2012

Rene Kager
Affiliation:
Universiteit Utrecht, The Netherlands
Get access

Summary

Introduction

A central idea of OT is that the optimal output form arises from competition of markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints. Markedness constraints require that output forms match certain segmental or prosodic targets. Faithfulness constraints require that outputs be identical to their lexical inputs, each militating against some type of change – segment deletion, segment insertion, or featural changes. Both constraint types are inherently in conflict: markedness constraints trigger changes, while faithfulness constraints, by their very nature, oppose changes. Moreover, faithfulness constraints state their requirements about input–output relations in terms of correspondence.

This central idea will be extended in this chapter to a phenomenon that has been a hotly debated topic in pre-OT phonology (e.g. Wilbur 1973, Marantz 1982, Broselow and McCarthy 1983, McCarthy and Prince 1986, Shaw 1987, Uhrbach 1987, Steriade 1988a), and continues to be a focus of OT research: reduplication. From a purely morphological point of view, reduplication is ‘simply’ a kind of affixation, both in its morpho-syntactic contribution (it forms morphological categories, such as plural), and in its linear position with respect to the stem (preceding it, as a prefix, or following it, as a suffix). But from a phonological viewpoint, the special property of reduplication is that the reduplicative affix is not fully specified for segmental content. Its segmental content is copied from the stem that undergoes reduplication. Reduplication is therefore by its very nature a phenomenon involving phonological identity between the ‘reduplicant’ and the ‘base’ to which it adjoins.

Type
Chapter
Information
Optimality Theory , pp. 194 - 256
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 1999

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Available formats
×