Book contents
- Etruria and Anatolia
- Mediterranean Studies in Antiquity
- Etruria and Anatolia
- Copyright page
- Epigraph
- Contents
- Maps and Figures
- Contributors
- Preface
- Acknowledgments
- Notes on Abbreviations and Spelling
- Introduction
- Part I Broadening Perspectives
- Part II Interpretive Frameworks
- Part III Technology and Mobility
- Part IV Shared Practices
- 8 Etruscan Lightning and Anatolian Images
- 9 Luxury Consumption and Elite Lifestyles
- 10 Tracing Connections between Archaic Etruria and Anatolia in Material Culture and Funerary Ideology
- 11 Rock Tombs and Monuments in South Etruria and Anatolia
- Part V Shared and Distinct Iconographies
- Part VI Shared Forms, Distinct Functions
- Index
- References
9 - Luxury Consumption and Elite Lifestyles
from Part IV - Shared Practices
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 March 2023
Book contents
- Etruria and Anatolia
- Mediterranean Studies in Antiquity
- Etruria and Anatolia
- Copyright page
- Epigraph
- Contents
- Maps and Figures
- Contributors
- Preface
- Acknowledgments
- Notes on Abbreviations and Spelling
- Introduction
- Part I Broadening Perspectives
- Part II Interpretive Frameworks
- Part III Technology and Mobility
- Part IV Shared Practices
- 8 Etruscan Lightning and Anatolian Images
- 9 Luxury Consumption and Elite Lifestyles
- 10 Tracing Connections between Archaic Etruria and Anatolia in Material Culture and Funerary Ideology
- 11 Rock Tombs and Monuments in South Etruria and Anatolia
- Part V Shared and Distinct Iconographies
- Part VI Shared Forms, Distinct Functions
- Index
- References
Summary
This paper compares how ideas of power, rank, and status were communicated in Etruria and Anatolia in the Orientalizing period by the use of material items and images. By employing and exhibiting specific objects, elites used a non-verbal language to communicate with each other across frontiers in the Mediterranean area as well as to show their wealth and their sophistication in their own surroundings. Trade networks have been discovered, analyzed, and exhibited on various occasions in the last decade. However, we now have to deal with the significance of the selection, collection, and use of certain luxury items to the ostentation of accumulated wealth that are better known from the courtly societies of the Near and Middle East. The desire for possessing these items can be perceived in personal or private as well as social terms. As many of the items belong to the sphere of banqueting, it is mandatory to link the two worlds in question vis-à-vis this praxis of consumption and social events.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Etruria and AnatoliaMaterial Connections and Artistic Exchange, pp. 166 - 181Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2023
References
Works Cited
Åkerström, Å. 1943. Der geometrische Stil in Italien, Skrifter utgivna av svenska institutet i Rom 9. Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup.Google Scholar
Arizza, M., De Cristofaro, A., Piergrossi, A., and Rossi, D. 2013. “La tomba di un aristocratico naukleros dall agro Veientano. Il kantharos con scena di navigazione di via d’Avack,” Archeologia Classica 64: 51–131.Google Scholar
Aruz, J., Graff, S. B., and Racik, Y. (eds.) 2014. Assyria to Iberia at the Dawn of the Classical Age. New York: Metropolitan Museum Publications.Google Scholar
Bagnasco Gianni, G. 2013. “Massimo Pallottino’s ‘Origins’ in Perspective,” in Turfa (ed.), 29–35.Google Scholar
Bardelli, G. 2015. “Near Eastern Influence in Etruria and Central Italy between the Orientalizing and the Archaic Period: The Case of Tripod-Stands and Rod Tripods,” in Mesopotamia in the Ancient World: Impact, Continuities, Parallels, ed. Rollinger, R. and van Dongen, E., 145–173. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.Google Scholar
Carosi, S., and Regoli, C. 2019. “Ritualità funeraria a Vulci alla luce dei nuovi scavi,” in Società e pratiche funerarie a Veio, dalle origini alla conquista romana. Atti della giornata di studi Roma, 7 giugno 2018, ed. Arizza, M., 69–87. Rome: Sapienza Università Editrice.Google Scholar
Childe, V. G. 1956. Piecing Together the Past: The Interpretation of Archaeological Data. New York: Praeger.Google Scholar
Christiansen, J. 2006. “Disjecta Membra Reunited? Notes on a Very Remarkable Workshop in Cerveteri,” in ΑΕΙΜΝΗΣΤΟΣ. Miscellanea di studi per Mauro Cristofani, Vol. 1, ed. Adembri, B., 246–255. Florence: Centro Di.Google Scholar
Curtis, J., and Tallis, N. (eds.) 2008. The Balawat Gates of Ashurnarsipal II. London: The British Museum Press.Google Scholar
D’Agostino, B. 2010. “Osservazioni al convegno,” in Proceedings of the XVIIth International Congress of Classical Archaeology, 22–26 September 2008, Rome. Bollettino di Archeologia, On Line 1, Volume special F/F2/6: 77–82.Google Scholar
Feldman, M. H. 2014. Communities of Style. Portable Luxury Arts, Identity, and Collective Memory in the Iron Age Levant. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gilibert, A. 2011. Syro-Hittite Monumental Art and the Archaeology of Performance. Berlin: De GruyterGoogle Scholar
Gleba, M. 2011. “The ‘Distaff Side’ of Early Iron Age Aristocratic Identity in Italy,” in Comunicating Identity in Italic Iron Age Communities, ed. Gleba, M. and Horsnæs, H. W., 26–32. Oxford: Oxbow.Google Scholar
Gleba, M. 2014. “Wrapped up for Safe Keeping: ‘Wrapping’ Customs in Early Iron Age Europe,” in Wrapping and Unwrapping Material Culture: Archaeological and Anthropological Perspectives, ed. Harris, S. and Douny, L., 135–146. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Gramsch, A. 2015. “Culture, Change, Identity – Approaches to the Interpretation of Cultural Change,” Anthropologie 53(3): 341–349.Google Scholar
Grayson, A. Kirk, and Novotny, J. 2012. The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704–681 BC), Part 1 The Royal Inscriptions of the Neo- Assyrian Period (RINAP) 3/1. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Hamilakis, Y., and Jones, A. 2017. “Archaeology and Assemblage,” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 27(1): 77–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hayden, B. 2009. “Funerals as Feasts: Why Are They So Important?” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 19(1): 29–52.Google Scholar
Henry, O., and Kelp, U. (eds.) 2016. Tumulus as Sema. Space, Politics, Culture and Religion in the First Millennium BC. Berlin: De Gruyter.Google Scholar
Hodos, T. 2009. “Colonial Engagements in the Global Mediterranean Iron Age,” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 19(2): 221–241.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hodos, T. 2010. “Local and Global Perspectives in the Study of Social and Cultural Identities,” in Material Culture and Social Identities in the Ancient World, ed. Hales, S. and Hodos, T., 3–31. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Malkin, I. 2014. “Between Collective and Ethnic Identities: A Conclusion,” Dialogues d’histoire ancienne supplement 10: 283–292.Google Scholar
Maras, D. F., and Sciacca, F. 2011. “Ai confini dell’oralità. Le forme e i documenti del dono nelle aristocrazie orientalizzanti etrusche,” in Antropologia e archeologia a confronto: rappresentazioni e pratiche del sacro. Atti dell’Incontro internazionale di studi, Roma, Museo nazionale preistorico etnografico “Luigi Pigorini,” 20–21 maggio 2011, ed. Nizzo, V., 703–713. Rome: E.S.S.Google Scholar
Mazzoni, S. 2001. “Syro-Hittite Pyxides between Mayor and Minor Arts,” in Beiträge zur vorderasiatischen Archäologie: Winfried Orthmann gewidmet, ed. Orthmann, W., Meyer, J. W., Novák, M., and Pruss, A., 292–309. Frankfurt: Johann Wolfgang Goethe Universität, Archäologisches Institut.Google Scholar
Mazzoni, S. 2005. “Pyxides and Hand-Lion Bowls: A Case of Minor Arts,” in Crafts and Images in Contact. Studies in Eastern Mediterranean Art of the First Millennium BCE, ed. Suter, C. and Uehlinger, Ch., 43–66. Freiburg Acad. Press.Google Scholar
Medori, L. 2013. “Il bestiario fantastico nella white-on-red in Etruria e nell’Agro falisco,” in Il bestiario fantastico di età orientalizzante nella penisola italiana, Aristonothos, Scritti per il Mediterraneo antico. Quaderni 1, ed. Biella, M. C., Giovanelli, E., and Perego, L. G., 77–116. Trento: Tangram.Google Scholar
Micozzi, M. 1994. “White on Red” Una produzione vascolare dell’orientalizzante etrusco. Rome: Gruppo Ed. Internazionale.Google Scholar
Naso, A. 2012. “Gli influssi del Vicino Oriente sull’Etruria nel VIII–VII sec. A.C.: un bilancio,” in Le origini degli Etruschi. Storia, archeologia, antropologia, ed. Bellelli, V., 433–453. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider.Google Scholar
Osborne, J. F. 2015. “Ancient Cities and Power: The Archaeology of Urbanism in the Iron Age Capitals of Northern Mesopotamia,” International Journal of Urban Sciences 19(1): 7–19.Google Scholar
Petersen, N. 2011. En komparativ analyse af middelhavets elitegrave: et studie af gravgenstande, mobilitet, kontakt og identitet i den orientaliserende periode. Diss., University of Copenhagen.Google Scholar
Pohl, I. 1983. “Un capolavoro etrusco nel tardo orientalizzante antico,” Opuscula Romana 14: 39–46.Google Scholar
Rathje, A. 1991a. “Il banchetto presso i fenici,” in Atti del II congresso internazionale di studi fenici e punici, ed. Acquaro, E., 1165–1168. Rome: Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche.Google Scholar
Rathje, A. 1991b. “An Exotic Piece from Vulci: The Egyptian Blue Pyxis in Berlin,” in STIPS votiva. Papers presented to C. M. Stibbe, ed. Gnade, M., 171–175. Amsterdam: Allard Pierson Museum, University of Amsterdam.Google Scholar
Rathje, A. 2005. “Fabulous Feasts,” in Cyprus: Religion and Society from the Late Bronze Age to the End of the Archaic Period, ed. Karageorghis, V., Matthäus, H., and Rogge, S., 215–223. Möhnesee-Wamel: Bibliopolis.Google Scholar
Rathje, A. 2010. “Tracking down the Orientalizing,” in Proceedings of the XVIIth International Congress of Classical Archaeology, 22–26 September 2008, Rome. Bollettino di Archeologia, On Line 1, Volume special F/F2/6: 23–30.Google Scholar
Rathje, A. 2019. “Veii and the Orient,” in Veii, ed. Tabolli, J., 101–105. Austin: University of Texas Press.Google Scholar
Ridgway, D. 2004. “Reflections on the Early Euboeans and Their Partners in the Central Mediterranean,” in Oropos and Euboea in the Early Iron Age, ed. Mazarakis Ainian, A., 141–152. Volos: University of Thessaly Publications.Google Scholar
Riva, C. 2006. “The Orientalizing Period in Etruria: Sophisticated Communities,” in Debating Orientalization Multidisciplinary Approaches to Change in the Ancient Mediterranean, ed. Riva, C. and Vella, N. C., 110–134. London: Equinox.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Riva, C., and Vella, N. C. 2006. “Introduction,” in Debating Orientalization Multidisciplinary Approaches to Change in the Ancient Mediterranean, ed. Riva, C. and Vella, N. C., 1–20. London: Equinox.Google Scholar
Rupp, D. W. 1989. “Puttin’ on the Ritz: Manifestations of High Status in Iron Age Cyprus,” in Early Society in Cyprus, ed. Peltenburg, E., 336–362. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.Google Scholar
Russo, A. 2017. “Rapporti con l’Oriente del Mediterraneo: le nuove scoperte a Vulci – Poggio Mengarelli,” in Fragmenta Meduterranea. Studi in onore di Cristoph Reusser, ed. Cappuccini, L., Leypold, C., and Mohr, M., 263–269. Firenze: All’Insegna del Giglio.Google Scholar
Sciacca, F. 2003. “Nota sul rhyton a protome di leone da Veio: confronti e produzione,” Archeologia Classica 54: 301–319.Google Scholar
Sciacca, F. 2010. “Veio. La metallotecnica orientalizzante e i rapport con l’oriente,” in Proceedings of the XVIIth International Congress of Classical Archaeology, 22–26 September 2008, Rome. Bollettino di Archeologia, On Line 1, Volume special F/F7/2: 5–19.Google Scholar
Sciacca, F. 2012. “Le prime sfingi in Etruria: iconografie e contesti,” in Il bestiario fantastico di età orientalizzante nella penisola italiana, Aristonothos: Scritti per il Mediterraneo antico. Quaderni 1, ed. Biella, M. C., Giovanelli, E., and Perego, L. G., 239–285. Trento: Tangram.Google Scholar
Stampolides, N. Chr. (ed.) 2003. Sea Routes … from Sidon to Huelva. Interconnections in the Mediterranean 16th–6th c. BC. Athens: Museum of Cycladic Art.Google Scholar
Tuck, A. 2012. “Monumentality, Burial Practice, and Community Identity in Central Italy’s Urbanizing Period,” in Monumentality in Etruscan and Early Roman Architecture Ideology and Innovation, ed. Thomas, M. L. and Meyers, G. E., 41–60. Austin: University of Texas Press.Google Scholar
Van der Veen, M. 2003. “When Is Food a Luxury?” World Archaeology 34(3): 405–427.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Van Kampen, I. 2009. “Stone Sculpture in the Context of Etruscan Tombs: A Note on Its Position,” in Votives, Places and Rituals in Etruscan Religion, ed. Gleba, M. and Becker, H., 135–156. Leiden: Brill.Google Scholar
Van Kampen, I. 2012. “Idra a Formello: una nuova imagine eseguita con tornio e pennello,” in Il Nuovo Museo dell’Agro Veientano a Palazzo Chigi di Formello, Roma, ed. van Kampen, I., 85–89. Rome: Edizioni Quasar.Google Scholar
Van Kampen, I. 2019. “Stone Sculptures at Veii,” in Veii, ed. Tabolli, J., 193–197. Austin: University of Texas Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wehgartner, I. 1999. “No. 190,” in Türkis und Azur. Quarzkeramik im Orient und Okzident, Exhibition Catalogue Kassel, ed. Busz, R. and Gerke, P., 359. Wolfratshausen: Edition Minerva.Google Scholar
Wehgartner, I. 2000. “No. 415,” in Principi Etruschi tra Mediterraneo ed Europa, Museo civico archeologico di Bologna, 302. Venice: Marsilio.Google Scholar
Wicke, D. 2015. “Assyrian or Assyrianized: Reflections on the Impact of Assyrian Art in Southern Anatolia,” in Mesopotamia in the Ancient World: Impact, Continuities, Parallels, ed. Rollinger, R. and van Dongen, E., 561–601. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.Google Scholar