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The relationship between maghāzī and ḥadīth in early Islamic scholarship

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 June 2011

Andreas Görke*
Affiliation:
Christian-Albrechts-Universität, Kiel

Abstract

The relationship between the traditional biographical material on Muḥammad (maghāzī- or sīra-material) and the narrations of his words and deeds (ḥadīth-material) has long been debated in Islamic studies. While some scholars have argued that the biographical material is fundamentally ḥadīth material arranged chronologically, others have argued the opposite: that ḥadīth material originally consists of narrative reports about the life of Muḥammad which were later deprived of their historical context to produce normative texts. This article argues that both views are untenable and that maghāzī and ḥadīth emerged as separate fields; each influenced the other but they preserved their distinctive features. While traditions that originated and were shaped in one field were sometimes transferred to the other, the transfer of traditions from one field to the other apparently did not as a rule involve any deliberate changes to the text.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 2011

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References

1 See for instance Kister, Meir J., “The Sīrah literature”, in Beeston, A.F.L. et al. (eds), The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature. Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 352Google Scholar: “The development of Sīrah literature is closely linked with the transmission of the Ḥadīth and should be viewed in connection with it”. Schöller, Marco (Exegetisches Denken und Prophetenbiographie. Eine quellenkritische Analyse der Sīra-Überlieferung zu Muḥammads Konflikt mit den Juden (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 1998, 5)Google Scholar), argues that the sīra-traditions cannot be studied without taking into account the beginnings of Islamic legal thinking (fiqh) and the emergence of the isnād. Horovitz, Josef, “Alter und Ursprung des Isnād”, Der Islam 8, 1908, 3947, 39 f.Google Scholar, points to the close relationship between the two fields regarding both form and content and claims that the material presented in sīra works and in ḥadīth collections is basically the same but is arranged according to different criteria.

2 For a discussion of the divergent usages of maghāzī and sīra see Hinds, Martin, “‘Maghāzī’ and ‘Sīra’ in early Islamic scholarship”, in Fahd, Toufic (ed.), La vie du prophète Mahomet. Colloque de Strasbourg (Paris, 1983), 5766Google Scholar; cf. Sezgin, Fuat, Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums, 12 vols (Leiden, 1967–2000), I 251, 275Google Scholar; Jarrar, Maher, Die Prophetenbiographie im islamischen Spanien. Ein Beitrag zur Überlieferungs- und Redaktionsgeschichte (Frankfurt am Main, 1989), 143Google Scholar.

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23 For instance ʿUrwa b. al-Zubayr, ʿAbdallāh b. Abī Bakr, and Mūsā b. ʿUqba (cf. Horovitz, The Earliest Biographies, 27, 44, 71, 87).

24 Cf. Görke, Andreas and Schoeler, Gregor, Die ältesten Berichte über das Leben Muḥammads: Das Korpus ʿUrwa ibn az-Zubair (Princeton: The Darwin Press, 2008), 266 fGoogle Scholar.

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26 Cf. Günther, Sebastian, “Fictional narration and imagination within an authoritative framework. Towards a new understanding of Ḥadīth”, in Leder, Stefan (ed.), Story-Telling in the Framework of Non-Fictional Arabic Literature (Wiesbaden: Harrassovitz, 1998), 433–71, 440 f., 464 fGoogle Scholar.

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39 E.g., al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, Kitāb jazā’ al-ṣayd, 2–3; Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ, Kitāb al-ḥajj, 8; al-Nasā’ī, Sunan, Kitāb Manāsik al-ḥajj, 80; Ibn Māja, Sunan, Kitāb al-Manāsik, 93; Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad, 5: 301, 304.

40 al-Wāqidī, al-Maghāzī, II, 576.

41 Nagel, “Ḥadīṯ – oder: Die Vernichtung der Geschichte”, 127; Nagel, “Grundtypen”, 82 f.

42 Görke and Schoeler, Die ältesten Berichte, 122, 142–4, 183–4, 215, 221, 248, 252, 254, 266–7.

43 Cf. Juynboll, Gautier H. A., “Some isnād-analytical methods illustrated on the basis of several women-demeaning sayings from ḥadīth literature”, al-Qanṭara. Revista de estudos árabes 10, 1989, 343–83, 352Google Scholar; Juynboll, Gautier H. A., Encyclopedia of Canonical Ḥadīth (Leiden: Brill, 2007), I, xxCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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52 al-Wāqidī, al-Maghāzī, II, 576.

53 al-Wāqidī, al-Maghāzī, III, 1092 f.

54 E.g. al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, al-Shahādāt, 8; ibid., Aḥādīth al-anbiyā’, 57; ibid., al-Maghāzī, 55; ibid., al-Ḥudūd, 12, 13; Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ, al-Ḥudūd, 2; Abū Dā’ūd, Sunan, al-Ḥudūd 4, 15; al-Trimidhī, Sunan, al-Ḥudūd, 6; al-Nasā’ī, Sunan, Qaṭʿ al-Sāriq 5, 6; Ibn Māja, Sunan, al-Ḥudūd, 6; Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad, VI, 162; al-Ṣanʿānī, ʿAbd al-Razzāq b. Ḥammām, Kitāb al-Muṣannaf, ed. al-Aʿẓamī, H. R., 11 vols (Beirut: al-Majlis al-ʿilmi, 1970–72),Google Scholar X, 201 f.; al-Nīsābūrī, Muḥammad b. ʿAbdallāh al-Ḥākim, al-Mustadrak ʿalā l-Ṣaḥīḥayn, ed. ʿAtā, M. ʿA., 5 vols, 2nd. ed. (Beirut: Dār al-kutub al-ʿilmīya, 1422/2002)Google Scholar, 379 f.; Saʿd, Ibn, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr, ed. Sachau, E. et al. , 9 vols, (Leiden: Brill, 1904–28), VI.1, 48 f.Google Scholar; VIII, 192 f.

55 al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥiḥ, Ḥudūd, 12.

56 E.g. al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥiḥ, al-Shahādāt, 8; ibid., Maghāzī, 55; Muslim, Ṣaḥiḥ, al-Ḥudūd, 2; Abū Dā’ūd, Sunan, al-Ḥudūd. 4; al-Nasā’ī, Sunan, Qaṭʿ al-Sāriq, 6.

57 Görke and Schoeler, Die ältesten Berichte, 240, 242–4.

58 ʿAbd al-Razzāq, al-Muṣannaf, x, 201 f.

59 Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ, Ḥudūd, 2 (last tradition).

60 Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt, VIII, 192 f.

61 Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt, IV.1, 48 f.

62 Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt, VIII, 192 f.

63 al-Dhahabī, Ta'rīkh al-Islām, XIII, 264–9.

64 al-Dhahabī, Ta'rīkh al-Islām, IX, 674.

65 These circles, of course, should not be regarded as exclusive. We know of several authorities in maghāzī who were also considered to be experts in law or ḥadīth, and they may be partly responsible for the traditions spreading from one circle to the other. However, it seems reasonable to assume that the different conventions prevailing in the different fields led to different changes.

66 Cf. Horovitz, The Earliest Biographies, 12, 23, 27, 55, 60 ff.; see also Leder, “The literary use of the Khabar”, 313.

67 Cf. Landau-Tasseron, “Sayf Ibn ʿUmar”, 9, who comes to a similar conclusion.