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In their excellent review of the environmental and genetic underpinnings of personality disorders, Turner, Prud’homme, and Legg (this volume) provide compelling evidence that early family adversity (e.g., maltreatment, parenting difficulties, parental separation) is an environmental risk factor for offspring personality difficulties. However, little is known about how and why these family characteristics increase the risk for various personality disorders. Guided by evolutionary theory, the goal of this commentary is to illustrate how the synthesis of these two areas of inquiry may advance an understanding of the origins and course of typical and atypical personality characteristics in mutually informative ways. First, building on the coverage of attachment in the primary chapter, the authors address how other behavioral systems that are designed to defend against social threat and acquire resources may mediate the distinct personality sequelae experienced by children exposed to family adversity. Second, in identifying sources of heterogeneity in family risk, the authors highlight the value of expanding the conceptualization of moderators beyond diathesis-stress models. Consistent with differential susceptibility theory, they describe how temperamental, physiological, and genetic moderators may serve to heighten sensitivity to supportive as well as adverse family conditions rather than simply acting as diatheses that selective sensitize individuals to harsh socialization contexts.
The chapter introduces and explains some terms and concepts that are important for the understanding of the international legal questions with regard to transnational cybersecurity, such as hacking and software vulnerabilities, exploits, phishing, ransomware, or botnets. Furthermore, some basic categories like espionage, cybercrime, or cyberterrorism are laid out in order to distinguish the most prevalent forms of malicious behaviour in cyberspace and to conceptually prepare the subsequent focus on adversarial state conduct in cyberspace.
In keeping with Jessup’s project of constructively contesting legal doctrinal understandings of law, this chapter analyses the Situation Room Photograph to illustrate transnational law as drama. The metaphor of law as drama inheres in Jessup’s text. Yoking Jessup’s turn to drama with anthropologist Victor Turner’s notion of social drama, this chapter shows how, as a text of transnational law, the Situation Room photograph illuminates the normalizing and legitimizing of the national security state, even as gestures and representations of law associated with liberal democracy thread through the image.
To examine the relationship between household food insecurity (FI) and children’s involvement in family meal choices and food preparation, used as proxies for children’s food skills, and to explore gender differences within these associations.
Households were classified as food-secure or food-insecure using the six-item, short-form Household Food Security Survey Module. Children’s involvement in family meal choices and food preparation were treated as proxies for children’s food skills. Mixed-effects multinomial logistic regression models were used.
Public schools in Nova Scotia, Canada.
5244 children in the fifth grade (10–11 years old) participating in the Children’s Lifestyle and School Performance Study (CLASS).
Most children reported being involved in family meal choices or food preparation at least weekly (74 and 68 %). The likelihood of helping choose family meals once a week was 33 % lower among girls from food-insecure households compared to girls from food-secure households. No differences in boys’ involvement in family meal choices were observed according to household FI status. Boys from food-insecure households were 65 % more likely than boys from food-secure households to assist with food preparation/cooking four times per week. No differences in girls’ involvement in food preparation were observed according to household FI status.
Findings support that household FI is not due to a lack of food skills but most likely due to inadequate access to resources. This supports the call for upstream policies targeting the structural issues underpinning household FI such as low income.
This chapter is to provide a succinct overview on the security challenges of UAV-based networks. To this end, we start by providing a general overview on the various security threats facing UAV systems, ranging from communication channel attacks to information attacks and Global Positioning System (GPS) spoofing attacks. Then, we develop, using game theory, a generic framework that can provide cyber-physical security for UAV applications such as delivery systems. We conclude with general remarks on the security of UAV systems.
This chapter examines the interplay between Philip Jessup’s experience of the early years of the United Nations and the development of his scholarship, in particular his inclusive and pragmatic conception of ‘transnational law’. It is contended that Jessup’s UN experience informed writings that evince a practitioner’s feel for the role of diplomacy in the workings of international law, as well as aliveness to the possibilities of novel institutional forms and processes. The chapter goes on to apply Jessup’s scholarly insights to contemporary challenges of the UN, focusing on the Sustainable Development Goals. The achievement of the SDGs emerges as a thoroughly transnational challenge, requiring application and coordination of each of the strands of Jessup’s famous definition of ‘transnational law’.
Chapter 1 establishes the Human–Environmental–Climate Security (HECS) framework and the context that links climate change and the Syrian conflict. Over the past few decades, a climate–conflict nexus has emerged drawing on narratives of collapse, and it has more recently been applied to the Syrian case. The author questions this line of reasoning given Syria’s history of climate, water, and food insecurity, arguing that government policies were at the heart of Syria’s vulnerabilities in the buildup to the uprising. To evaluate this central claim, the book introduces a new theoretical approach: the HECS framework. This introductory chapter shows that a new multidisciplinary framing is needed to examine the claim that climate change caused the conflict in Syria.
Chapter 2 explores the securitization of climate change by engaging with the scholarly debate around environmental and climate security, human security, water and food security, and climate-induced migration. The chapter traces the broadening of traditional security studies to include non-Western perspectives and a more diverse array of potential threats, including environmental degradation, poverty, water scarcity, and climate change. This theoretical review provides the foundation for the discussion of a potential climate-food insecurity and migration nexus. The author shows that the literature has not conclusively shown linkages between climate change, food insecurity, migration and conflict – either globally or in Syria – but that the HECS framework can be used to rigorously evaluate the interactions between these variables. A key theme of this chapter is the need to recognize and prioritize non-Western and marginalized perspectives and agency in environmental security and migration discourses.
Chapter 4 analyzes the political dimension of the HECS framework in the context of Syria, contending that ideology played a key role in creating Syria’s vulnerabilities in the lead-up to the uprising. The chapter focuses on two key ideologies – Ba’athism in the 1970s and neoliberalism in the early 2000s – and their economic and agricultural policies. The Ba’athist regime under Hafez al-Assad effectively securitized food production to justify agricultural reforms designed to maintain the support of rural agrarian constitutiencies. The author shows that these Ba’athist policies, which included intensive irrigation, food and fuel subsidies, and large-scale hydroprojects, led to unsustainable water and agricultural practices and poor governance. Finally, the chapter examines the liberalizing reforms under Bashar al-Assad, which culminated in a 2005 shift to a social market economy, and concludes that they increased the vulnerability.
Chapter 5 evaluates the claim that climate change caused the Syrian conflict and concludes that ultimately political factors were more important than a climate-induced drought in the buildup to the uprising. While some international scholars attribute the Syrian uprising to a climate-induced drought, the chapter finds that domestic sources point to a different conclusion: Political context was more significant than water scarcity from drought in worsening the human security of the vulnerable populations of Syria, paving the way for the Syrian uprising. This conclusion is based on an analysis of the sources of Syria’s environmental, economic, and social vulnerabilities following the 2006–2010 drought and an earlier 1998–2001 drought, which reveals a vulnerability nexus in the northeast of Syria. The region was experiencing high levels of poverty and unemployment, high dependence on the agricultural sector and water scarcity, and poor soil quality from unsustainable practices. Together with increased corruption, these factors made the region disproportionately vulnerable to the impact of drought. Ultimately, the government’s poor water and agricultural policies pushed a weather event into a crisis, which could have been avoided or mitigated with sound policies.
Over the past few decades, a climate–conflict nexus has emerged which draws on narratives of collapse, and it has more recently been applied to the Syrian case. This book has questioned this line of reasoning given Syria’s history of climate, water, and food insecurity, arguing that government policies were at the heart of Syria’s vulnerabilities in the buildup to the uprising. Chapter 6 argues that the war in Syria has intensified the patterns of human insecurity outlined in the previous decade. Rather than building intrinsic resilience, the current postwar reconstruction phase is paving the way for regime resilience on the basis of structural inequalities while increasing the broader population’s vulnerability, particularly the refugee population. By centering the narrative on vulnerable populations, the HECS framework provides an in-depth analysis of the human-security impact of the environment, including poverty, unemployment, marginalization, and the failure of sustainable development. The HECS framework could, therefore, be helpful for others moving forward. It shows that policy choices matter for dealing with climate change. This understanding of climate vulnerability and resilience is a critical contribution to international policy debates on the need to optimize regional and local responses in the face of global warming.
Edward Snowden exposed the discrepancy between the official US defence discourse of liberal values in cyberspace and secret surveillance and cyber exploitation practices. Situated in the critical literature on security and surveillance, the article proposes that more attention needs to be paid to the constitutive role of transgressive practices for security communities. The article introduces a Lacanian strategy for studying transgression in the US cyber defence community. Through this strategy, a transgressive other – in this case, China in cyberspace – enters the fantasy of the US cyber defence community as the symptom that conceals more fundamental tensions in the US cyber defence. But the community's representation of China in cyberspace represents more than that; China is a fantasmatic object that structures and gives content to a desire for transgressing the official ideals of the US cyber defence. This is why the excessive cyber practices that China is criticised for conducting mirror the secret, disavowed transgressions of the US cyber defence. Transgressions, the article concludes through Lacan, provide the necessary (partial) enjoyment that sustains the US cyber defence community as a solidarity-in-guilt and the official US cyber defence discourse.
This chapter investigates the governance of a diverse city over time, with a special emphasis on those institutions which interfaced between the imperial representatives and the local elites. In the Ottoman reform period, these consisted primarily of an array of different consultative councils at various levels (municipal and provincial). Notably under Saudi rule, these were slowly integrated into the emerging new Kingdom, accompanied by a gradual change in the urban elites controlling the city. The chapter also investigates the implementation of law and order. Finally, it tackles attempts to regulate immigration from Ottoman times to the early Saudi nationality law, and the different rationales behind attempts to limit or rather circumscribe the presence of foreigners. Policies were driven, in Ottoman times, by fears of imperial intervention and attempts at poverty limitation, while, in the Saudi period, an initially liberal approach to nationality soon gave way to more exclusive considerations.
The study concludes that the case of Libya fully exposed the potential as well as the complexities inherent in the responsibility to protect. The political-moral imperative encapsulated by the principle played a decisive role in the Security Council’s decision to authorize the use of force in order to protect civilians – which most likely averted mass atrocities. However, the responsibility to protect provided a highly fragile basis for military enforcement action without host state consent – by leaving essential questions regarding the legitimacy of international authority and the relation of international actors to local actors unresolved. The chapter examines the implications of the Libyan case for the normative development of the responsibility to protect. Subsequently, a number of conclusions are drawn regarding specific aspects of the principle. These concern the concept of "the international community"; collective security arrangements; questions of neutrality and impartiality; and consistency between the intervention and pre- and post-intervention politics.
This chapter first examines the positions of the local actors in the evolving conflict in Libya: the Qadafi regime and its forces on the one hand; and the Transitional National Council and the opposition forces on the other. The second part assesses the role of a wide range of international actors – other than NATO – who were involved in addressing the Libyan crisis between March and October 2011. These actors – including the UN, the Libya Contact Group, regional organizations, and individual states – also claimed to have the authority to act on behalf of the international community. A number of them, while being highly critical of NATO’s implementation of resolution 1973, advocated an entirely different course of action vis-à-vis Libya, focused on brokering a political settlement to the conflict. Finally, the chapter examines the convergence of international views emerging towards the end of the conflict. It also assesses the decision-making process leading to the establishment of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), and to the termination of the Security Council mandate provided for in resolution 1973 – which effectively transferred the responsibility to protect back to Libya’s national authorities.
This chapter reconstructs and analyzes the Libyan crisis and the international response from February 26, 2011, to March 17, when the Security Council adopted resolution 1973. The chapter examines how the violence in Libya escalated and analyzes the Libyan regime’s approach as well as the manner in which the opposition operated. Subsequently, it assesses the response of the international community to the deteriorating crisis in Libya. While the UN continued to mount pressure on the Qadhafi regime, other international actors also played a prominent role, notably the United Kingdom, France, the United States, and a number of regional organizations such as the Arab League. The analysis demonstrates that the decision President Obama ultimately took to approve the use of “all necessary measures” in order to protect civilians, was inspired by the principles of the "just war," and was of crucial importance for the Security Council’s authorization to use military force. The chapter examines the decision-making processes leading to the adoption of resolution 1973, and analyzes the substance of the resolution – as well as its inherent ambivalence.
Chapter 4 and subsequent chapters focus on the events evolving in Libya from February until October 2011, and examine how international actors invoked and applied the responsibility to protect in their response to those events. Chapter 4 focuses on the period from February 15 , the date around which the Libyan uprising began, until February 26, 2011, when the UN Security Council adopted resolution 1970. The study reconstructs how Libyan citizens, emboldened by previous revolts in Tunisia and Egypt, and driven by pent up anger and resentment over years of suppression, took to the streets, and how the Libyan regime responded with excessive violence against the initially unarmed protesters. The protesters were quickly joined by high-level defectors from the Libyan regime, the army and the diplomatic ranks, who took it upon themselves to represent the uprising politically. The international community, notably the UN Security Council, responded to the situation in Libya with unprecedented speed and remarkable unity. On the basis of a reconstruction of the relevant decision-making processes, the study argues that the responsibility to protect clearly framed the response of the international community to the Libyan crisis – which ultimately resulted in the adoption of Security Council resolution 1970.
The emerging large-scale production units (LSPUs) have become increasingly important in Chinese agricultural production and rural transformation due to rapid industrialization and urbanization. Based on household and plot-level data from Jiangsu and Jiangxi Provinces in China, this study provides insights into the farming systems of these LSPUs and examines how contract type, as a proxy for land tenure security, impacts on the production unit's soil-improving investments. Results from the two-stage control function approach show that the written nature of contracts positively affects the application of organic fertilizer and green manure on rented-in plots. Descriptive analysis also confirms the collateralization effect of contract type by showing that plots that are used as collateral for credit are characterized by written contracts. Policies facilitating LSPUs' access to farmland with more formal contracts may therefore play an important role in improving soil quality and land productivity.
Prevailing political and ethical approaches that have been used to both critique and propose alternatives to the existing food system are lacking. Although food security, food sovereignty, food justice, and food democracy all offer something important to our reflection on the global food system, none is adequate as an alternative to the status quo. This article analyses each in order to identify the prerequisites for such an alternative approach to food governance. These include a focus on goods like nutrition and health, equitable distribution, supporting livelihoods, environmental sustainability, and social justice. However, other goods, like the interests of non-human animals, are not presently represented. Moreover, incorporating all of these goods is incredibly demanding, and some are in tension. This raises the question of how each can be appropriately accommodated and balanced. The article proposes that this ought to be done through deliberative democratic processes that incorporate the interests of all relevant parties at the local, national, regional, and global levels. In other words, the article calls for a deliberative approach to the democratisation of food. It also proposes that one promising potential for incorporating the interests of all affected parties and addressing power imbalances lies in organising the scope and remit of deliberation around food type.