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This essay investigates the fit between solar radiation modification (SRM) and climate politics. Researchers, activists, and politicians often present SRM technologies as “radical.” According to this frame, SRM comes into view as a last-ditch effort to avoid climate emergencies. Such a rationale may be applicable to the scientists researching the potential of SRM, yet it only partially accounts for political and policy interest in SRM. In this contribution, I argue that there is an increasingly tight fit between the promise of SRM technologies and the global regime of climate politics. Within this regime, SRM may not be a radical option but is more of a logical extension of current rationales. I argue that SRM corresponds to tightly controlled discursive rules within which climate politics operates, leading to a shifting narrative on the feasibility, desirability, and necessity of SRM. The ethical implications of this tight fit are threefold. First, it implies that SRM might be an instrument of mitigation deterrence, implicitly as much as explicitly. Second, ethical responsibility and political value debates are at risk of becoming invisible once SRM becomes embedded in the prevailing regime. Third, SRM use might become inevitable, despite the good intentions of most people involved.
The principle of prohibiting forced labour exists in both treaty and customary international law. However, there are limits to this prohibition, in that certain types of forced labour are actually permitted; this is the case for forced labour performed by prisoners of war (PoWs). This paper examines the legal regime applicable to such labour. It starts by setting out the current rules, following a brief historical review. It then explains the shortcomings of those rules, which are open to abuse and are not focused exclusively on the rights and interests of the PoWs, before proposing two possible ways of improving the situation by means of a systemic approach. The first is based on international humanitarian law itself, while the second is based on the complementary relationship between that body of law and international human rights law. Such improvements would give PoWs the right to perform any available work while continuing to require them to carry out work exclusively dedicated to running the PoW camp.
Reading Lowell’s depictions of madness in poems from The Mills of the Kavanaughs to Day by Day, this chapter follows Lowell’s negotiation of literary conventions to arrive at a notion of diverse mental states that, in life, cannot entirely be controlled. It is argued that he effectively contributes to the reduction of stigmatization by slowly working through conventions of representing madness, such as the gothic, or othering mad persons through race and gender. He arrives at finally owning his mental state as a derangement of his senses, especially his vision, and foregrounds art and humor as coping mechanisms when facing the fragility and suffering of human life.
According to the postulates of quantum mechanics, the state of a system is associated with a wave function that contains any measurable information on the system at any time. In this chapter we become familiar with wave functions and how they represent the position of particles within the system. Within the realm of quantum mechanics, the position of particles is not deterministic. It is defined by a probability distribution. The wave function is a position-dependent complex-valued amplitude, whose absolute value squared is identified with the probability density for locating the particle in the position space. This identification of the wave function with a probability amplitude imposes some limitation. Particularly, for a closed system in which the particles are bound, the wave function must be proper (square integrable) and normalizable. These properties are discussed and demonstrated for different coordinate systems.
Chapter 5: Many abstract concepts that make linear algebra a powerful mathematical tool have their roots in plane geometry, so we begin the study of inner product spaces with a review of basic properties of lengths and angles in the real two-dimensional plane. Guided by these geometrical properties, we formulate axioms for inner products and norms, which provide generalized notions of length (norm) and perpendicularity (orthogonality) in abstract vector spaces.
We study the reduction in a
$\lambda$
-calculus derived from Moggi’s computational one, which we call the computational core. The reduction relation consists of rules obtained by orienting three monadic laws. Such laws, in particular associativity and identity, introduce intricacies in the operational analysis. We investigate the central notions of returning a value versus having a normal form and address the question of normalizing strategies. Our analysis relies on factorization results.
This chapter analyzes how diplomacy over Sino-American scientific cooperation was central to the final agreement for China and the United States to establish official diplomatic relations, finally reached in December 1978. In the wake of Mao Zedong’s death in September 1976, China’s emerging post-Mao leadership prioritized the People’s Republic of China (PRC)’s scientific development, believing that drawing on scientific knowledge from outside of China – including from the United States – was critical to the country’s development. The Committee on Scholarly Communication with the PRC had long been arguing that China’s interest in US science provided leverage to the United States and, after President Jimmy Carter recruited the top leadership of the CSCPRC into his administration, utilizing this leverage became a critical part of US China policy. Thus, Chinese and US leaders, working hand-in-glove with the nongovernmental CSCPRC, achieved a simultaneous upgrading of the Sino-American scientific and diplomatic relationship in 1978 that offered a final demonstration of the symbiotic relationship between exchange and high-level Sino-American diplomacy in the pre-normalization era.
This epilogue briefly considers the landscape of the Sino-American exchange program as and after the establishment of official diplomatic relations – or normalization – was realized in 1979. It argues that, despite the changes in the US-China diplomatic relationship, there were as many continuities as there were changes between pre- and post-normalization exchange contacts, at least in the immediate wake of the establishment of official diplomatic relations.
In 1971, Americans made two historic visits to China that would transform relations between the two countries. One was by US official Henry Kissinger; the other, earlier, visit was by the US table tennis team. Historians have mulled over the transcripts of Kissinger's negotiations with Chinese leaders. However, they have overlooked how, alongside these diplomatic talks, a rich program of travel and exchange had begun with ping-pong diplomacy. Improbable Diplomats reveals how a diverse cast of Chinese and Americans – athletes and physicists, performing artists and seismologists – played a critical, but to date overlooked, role in remaking US-China relations. Based on new sources from more than a dozen archives in China and the United States, Pete Millwood argues that the significance of cultural and scientific exchanges went beyond reacquainting the Chinese and American people after two decades of minimal contact; exchanges also powerfully influenced Sino-American diplomatic relations and helped transform post-Mao China.
Sudan’s decision to normalize relations with Israel sparked controversy about its reasons for doing so and the potential impact on the country’s fragile political transition. The decision was mostly attributed to American pressures, new regional alliances, and Sudan’s economic crisis. Tawfik offers a different perspective by linking Sudan’s normalization with Israel to domestic power rivalries, suggesting that Sudanese political actors at critical historical moments have sought Israeli patronage to strengthen their power positions and exploring the potential implications of normalization on civil-military relations. In addition to relying on secondary sources, Tawfik draws conclusions based on official documents and interviews with Sudanese officials published by various news outlets.
Using the case of the Indonesian Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), I seek to measure the actual impact of Islamist parties’ moderation on their electoral performances and voter bases. Statistical analyses find that although PKS has experienced an influx of diverse voters since the early 2000s, the influx was offset by a gradual withdrawal of educated Islamist voters, who had been loyal to the party since its establishment. I further claim that this change in PKS's voter profile was attributable not to moderation per se but to normalization, manifesting in an adaptation of the party elites’ behaviors to the existing patterns in Indonesian politics. The party's recent policy shift with a conservative tone was insufficient to regain votes from its original supporters, who already saw PKS as a run-of-the-mill party. PKS's case implies that it is necessary for Islamist parties to maintain their distinctiveness as an alternative voice in the party system.
Chapter 2 examines the second era of veterans’ return journeys, from 1995–2005. This era of return was characterized by “normalization”: the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States and Việt Nam offered security to tentative veterans who had watched the reconciliation process from afar. Lifted travel restrictions and a growing tourism industry provided returnees with more latitude in their returns, resulting in a more diverse return group. Increasingly, veterans from both countries returned on “healing journeys,” approaching Việt Nam as the locus of their trauma. A discourse of trauma emerged in their narratives, mirroring the rising popularity of therapy and psychoanalysis in Western cultures, with the majority of normalization returnees describing their returns as therapeutic. Many of the normalization returnees became engaged in reconstruction activities as a form of atonement in Việt Nam, reshaping early returnees’ reconciliation processes into personal healing projects.
How is government affected by including populists in a governing coalition? We investigate if populist political parties behave ‘normally’ when they attain power, or if they govern differently from mainstream political parties. Empirically, we use survey data from 282 ministerial advisers from three cabinets in Norway. Our conclusion is that populists govern normally on some governance dimensions and exceptionally on others. Populists in office had ample professional experience, adhered to collegial decision making and thought the bureaucracy delivered quality and was politically responsive – on a par with the non-populists. However, populists differed from non-populist politicians in their contact patterns and their communicative concerns. That populists in this context belong to a party with a long history of parliamentary representation (Norway's Progress Party) suggests elements of exceptionalism are things one should expect to find in practically all populist parties that attain power.
Few historians of the Vietnam War have covered the post-1975 era or engaged comprehensively with refugee politics, humanitarianism, and human rights as defining issues of the period. After Saigon's Fall is the first major work to uncover this history. Amanda C. Demmer offers a new account of the post-War normalization of US–Vietnam relations by centering three major transformations of the late twentieth century: the reassertion of the US Congress in American foreign policy; the Indochinese diaspora and changing domestic and international refugee norms; and the intertwining of humanitarianism and the human rights movement. By tracing these domestic, regional, and global phenomena, After Saigon's Fall captures the contingencies and contradictions inherent in US-Vietnamese normalization. Using previously untapped archives to recover a riveting narrative with both policymakers and nonstate advocates at its center, Demmer's book also reveals much about US politics and society in the last quarter of the twentieth century.
The humanitarian issues and nonexecutive advocacy that constituted the basis of ongoing US-Vietnamese dialogue in the absence of formal relations remained of pivotal importance before, during, and after Washington and Hanoi resumed formal economic and diplomatic relations in the mid-1990s. Although American policymakers attempted to conclude the humanitarian programs they had earmarked as preconditions to more formal ties, varying definitions of full accounting, the repatriation of migrants to Vietnam through the CPA, and efforts to bring the HO into line with worldwide standards precipitated profound disagreements. Ultimately, US officials moved forward with formal relations with Hanoi and (re)created special programs for South Vietnamese migrants. The 1996 Resettlement Opportunity for Vietnamese Refugees gave screened-out migrants who were repatriated to Vietnam under the CPA one more chance to apply for resettlement in the US.The 1996 McCain Amendment created loopholes to permit the original, exceptional terms of the HO to remain intact. US-Vietnamese collaboration on humanitarian issues, and normalization itself, persisted after the resumption of formal economic and diplomatic relations. The ties between American and South Vietnamese people outlasted both the collapse of South Vietnam and the resumption of relations between Washington and Hanoi.
Chapter 3 continues the focus on methodological concerns, outlining and demonstrating how typical acoustic analyses proceeds from fieldwork to acoustic measurements and data extraction to analysis.This treatment goes deeper into the nuts and bolts of "doing" sociophonetics, with more hand’s on procedures for the identification, processing and measurement of vowels and sibilantsThis chapter is intended to introduce readers to and provide the work flow for some basic analyses using common software.The survey of key methods and fundamental terms presented in this and the previous chapter provides a foundation for reading and understanding the approaches used in sociophonetic literature and in exploring the research presented in subsequent chapters.
This chapter is not about one particular method (or a family of methods). Instead, it provides a set of tools useful for better pattern recognition, especially for real-world applications. They include the definition of distance metrics, vector norms, a brief introduction to the idea of distance metric learning, and power mean kernels (which is a family of useful metrics). We also establish by examples that proper normalizations of our data are essential, and introduce a few data normalization and transformation methods.
Contrary to views that these non-Westphalian polities could not adjust to material and conceptual changes, fundamental transformations occurred throughout the non-European international societies.The encounter between the universalist empires and the Western polities introduced new perspectives of inclusion and exclusion and influenced both parties. Studying collective beliefs not only provides a means to examine different patterns of international order but also serves as a mirror to contemporary preconceptions of international relations. Imputing the Western nation-state as the normal pattern of political organization leads to a process of normation---the attempt to impose that form of political community on others. Historical reflection reveals that international relations hardly consist of immutable patterns of behavior. While material conditions play an important role, the modalities through which individuals and social groups understand these phenomena occur against the template of a shared collective consciousness. Collective beliefs form a critical component for explaining state policies and are themselves independent sources of power.
This chapter clarifies the nature of interstate relations and challenges the claims that the Chinese tributary system could not adjust to the Westphalian system. The alleged incompatibility between East Asian conceptions of international order and the Westphalian system is overstated. This chapter surveys arguments that intellectual stagnation and a myopic worldview caused Chinese decline and eventual collapse. Instead, it is argued that China engaged in intellectual adjustment to meet the global pressures caused by the imperial colonial powers. This adjustment and change in the collective imagination also carried over into the political realm.
Any set of truth-functional connectives has sequent calculus rules that can be generated systematically from the truth tables of the connectives. Such a sequent calculus gives rise to a multi-conclusion natural deduction system and to a version of Parigot’s free deduction. The elimination rules are “general,” but can be systematically simplified. Cut-elimination and normalization hold. Restriction to a single formula in the succedent yields intuitionistic versions of these systems. The rules also yield generalized lambda calculi providing proof terms for natural deduction proofs as in the Curry–Howard isomorphism. Addition of an indirect proof rule yields classical single-conclusion versions of these systems. Gentzen’s standard systems arise as special cases.