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Mobility on the Tyne–Solway isthmus constitutes a gap in our understanding of the planning and functioning of the Roman frontier of northern Britain. Although the inflexible design of Hadrian's Wall appears insensitive to variations in local environment, identification of potential Roman-period fords suggests that securing river crossings was an important influence on military plans. The Roman army exploited established routeways to impose increasingly sophisticated systems to structure movement, initially via a system of forts, fortlets and towers—the Stanegate—and subsequently using a continuous barrier: Hadrian's Wall. As these measures evolved, so local communities experienced greater levels of military control and inequality.
Throughout his life, Borges was concerned with the identity of his nation. The model of the gaucho from nineteenth century letters was replaced by faith in the criollos, who Borges in the 1920s believed should join forces with immigrants to create a democratic and progressive model for the nation. In the 1940s and 1950s, Borges took up a position against right-wing nationalists including General Perón. Later, after he had declared support for the military coup of 1976, Borges acknowledged his mistake and expressed a utopian vision of a world modelled on the Swiss Confederation.
This chapter scrutinises Mujuru’s role as ZANLA’s chief of operations in the liberation war from 1977 onward. Relying on oral accounts by Mujuru and ZANLA guerrillas, the chapter reconstructs preparation for significant guerrilla incursions such as Mount Casino in 1977 and some turning point battles with Rhodesian forces in the late 1970s. The oral history accounts of FRELIMO veterans bring to light under-researched evaluations of their military partnership with ZANLA. The chapter argues that without this at times conflictual military collaboration, Mujuru and ZANLA’s successes would have been held back. It was in a wider transnational purview, not strictly the nation, that Southern African liberation movements’ anti-colonial wars were fought, won or lost. The chapter also argues that although the Rhodesian forces had a degree of success in infiltrating and dividing ZANLA and ZANU, a great deal of the divisions were internally generated. Because of repeated internal divisions, ZANLA’s war progressed in stops and starts that delayed the path to independence, much to the concern of host states incurring heavy costs for Zimbabwe’s freedom. The costs pushed host states such as Mozambique to order ZANU to agree an independence settlement in 1979.
The chapter analyses how Mujuru became the first black commander of the army in independent Zimbabwe. With assistance from the British army, Mujuru oversaw the integration of a new national army comprising three undefeated forces: ZANLA, ZIPRA and the Rhodesians. While the chapter is about Mujuru’s hand in the creation of a new army, it underscores Britain’s lasting influence on part of its former empire through active assistance in processes of post-colonial state-making such as military integration. The chapter argues that regard for expertise and professionalism, however imperfect, were a hallmark of the army Mujuru attempted to create. Mujuru understood professionalism in a particular way, which is that the independence army was to be an equipped and technically competent one, with a high degree of discipline, education, military training and operational readiness. The chapter explicates the sources of Mujuru’s regard for expertise and professionalism.
As Bernardo Dovizi had said, as long as there was fighting in Italy, Piero was not without hope. So although the new year, 1498, opened with Piero enjoying ‘little reputation and less credit’, renewed fighting in Italy kept his hopes alive for the remaining years of his life.1 Two events helped to change the political scene, principally the succession of Louis of Orleans to the French throne in April, but also the execution of Savonarola the following month. With claims on Milan as well as Naples, King Louis XII forged new alliances in Italy, most notably with Venice and Pope Alexander VI, who used France to further his son Cesare Borgia’s attempts to build a state for himself in central Italy. The destabilisation they created encouraged Piero’s military adventurism, while the final unravelling of Savonarola’s life – his attack on the pope, his last defiant sermons and the aborted Trial by Fire in March and early April 1498 – also helped to revivify Piero by discrediting the Florentine government at home and abroad.2 So Piero’s little-known movements in these years provide a novel outside-in view of Florence’s crisis that helps to explain the threatened coup d’état in 1500 and the life Gonfaloniership two years later.
Though presidential personality and preferences heavily influence US Arctic policy, climate change and the perceived threat to US interests posed by rising international engagement in the north among great powers such as Russia and China are increasingly impacting US policy in the region. Recognising that these trends are likely to persist into the future, it is important to understand the US Arctic policymaking apparatus, how geopolitical and environmental factors affect the creation and implementation of such policies through the presidency and how the resulting presidential policies may impact US leadership in the region for years to come. Consequently, this article examines how the distinct styles and preferences of Presidents Obama and Trump interact with growing climate change and defence challenges in the region within the US Arctic policymaking process. We illustrate this interaction through examples at both domestic and international policy levels and then place it in the larger context of the differing presidential approaches to institutionalisation when setting policy. Ultimately, we conclude that not only do presidential priorities regarding climate change, rising international engagement, and institutionalisation critically influence Arctic policymaking, but how a future president views these issues will heavily impact the direction of policies affecting the region.
The chapter expounds Mujuru’s legacy in the independence army. Mujuru had enormous impact on the value system of the independence army, particularly in his efforts to foster a particular kind of professionalism. However, Mujuru’s time as head of the military coincided with mutinies by and persecution of ZIPRA elements in the army, as well as ZANU PF political violence against ZAPU supporters, in which thousands of civilian lives were lost. The chapter implicates Mujuru in some of these human rights abuses. Nonetheless, the chapter argues that Mujuru’s stances during the Gukurahundi violence were far from straightforward. He protected some ZIPRAs for their expertise and professionalism and because of personal and ethnic considerations. Mujuru did not subscribe to the fanatical politics of the time. Lastly, the chapter maintains that Mujuru supported Zimbabwe’s 1980s military intervention in Mozambique, in support of the FRELIMO government’s war against a domestic rebel movement, because of solidarity ties forged in the 1970s.
This chapter argues that we can use Callwell’s life and work as a lens to shine a light on important issues, such as the idea of a ‘British way in warfare’, the conduct of colonial warfare, and British strategy before and during the First World War. Studying Callwell tells us much about the man himself, but also about the times in which he lived and the army of which he was a part.
This chapter explores the transformations of Chinese and Balinese sacred objects into heritage, against the background of centralisation efforts and the state-supported reconstruction of the Siva temple at Prambanan (Central Java) across regime changes. It explains the relation between stronger centralisation and the strengthening of local heritage dynamics. Next, it discusses the impact of the Pacific War and decolonisation on local and centralised heritage practices, as well as on long-term foreign engagements with sites located in Indonesia. Gauging the colonial nature of post-colonial heritage politics, it shows how in colonial times professional and state-supported archaeology led to the consolidation of certain structures and methods of heritage formation in such a way that subsequent regimes could easily take over. An important related topic is the way in which research, collecting, conservation, and reconstruction activities were intimately connected to the development of social hierarchies and processes of (racial) marginalisation.
The pope’s support for the new king of Naples in the ‘agreement, alliance and pact’ signed in Rome on 28 March 1494 changed the balance of power in Italy – and with it, Piero’s importance as a mediator. It had been the pope’s long years of conflict with his recalcitrant vassal Ferrante that had enabled Lorenzo de’ Medici to mediate between Italy’s rulers as the needle of the balance, but the new alignment meant that Piero had lost his father’s role, and once the French expedition was confirmed, the months of temporising were also over. But Lorenzo had not called Piero his ‘warrior son’ for nothing, and when the war was decided on, he entered energetically into its planning, offering forth ideas as his father used to do, who liked to share his fantasies or ghiribizzi with his colleagues as a form of thinking aloud.1 So although the events of the next few months are well known in outline, Piero’s own role – which, as usual, combined bursts of action with periods of inaction or escape – is less familiar.2
This chapter focuses on triage management in both national and international mass casualty incidents. They be a sudden-onset natural disaster, a public health emergency of international concern, or a war or armed conflict resulting in the deployment of field level hospitals that are focused on civilians, the military, or both, and are capable of rapid deployment and expansion or contraction to meet immediate emergency requirements for a specified period of time. The goal of triage is to treat as many victims as possible who have an opportunity for survival. Triage does not exist in isolation, but represents a complex process that balances clinical requirements with resource allocation and system management where the decision operatives are the likelihood of medical success and the conservation of scare resources.
The idea of the field hospital was conceived independently in several armies, during different times, as a response to the medical needs of troops serving in remote areas. At first, its goal was to care for sick soldiers. Then, parallel to various developments in medicine, especially surgery, its cardinal mission turned to saving lives and preventing disabilities in battle casualties. The main virtues of the field hospital have always been its mobility and the ability of its team to resuscitate and operate on battle casualties, near the front line. On the other hand, its inherent vices are its vulnerability under enemy’s fire and its inability to hold operated patients for adequate periods of time. Yet, the field hospital is a keystone of the chain of medical responsibility on the battlefield. The history of the military field hospital is, to a large extent, the history of military medicine, reflecting the symbiosis between surgical treatment and medical evacuation.
This chapter traces the expansion of Baltimore’s sex trade during the Civil War and the reactions of civilian and military authorities to its growth. Baltimore was an occupied city and staging ground for Union troops for much of the war, and the presence of thousands of soldiers in and around the city swelled the demand for commercial sex. As the economic hardships that accompanied war drove more women into sex work, Baltimore’s prostitution trade expanded far beyond its antebellum scale. Prostitution drew the attention of military and civil authorities, who were fearful of the potential the brothels had to undermine military discipline, civilian relations, and the health of soldiers. Baltimore’s brothel keepers managed to keep Union officials at bay by cooperating with their efforts to round up errant troops and providing valuable intelligence gathered from their clients, and many managed to make small fortunes by catering to soldiers. However, the attention the war brought to the violence, disorderliness, and disease-spreading potential of the sex trade would have profound long-term consequences for Baltimore’s sex workers and their enterprises.
This chapter reports on results of similar conjoint experiments conducted at the United States Naval Academy and at the London School of Economics. At both institutions, we find pro-diversity preferences that largely complement those from other schools. However, at the Naval Academy we find no preferences in favor of women applicants despite the fact that women are underrepresented among students at the Academy (whereas they make up majorities at most undergraduate institutions), and we find that preferences against gender non-binary applicants and faculty candidates are far stronger at the Naval Academy than at other institutions. At the London School of Economics, we find positive but smaller preferences in favor of blacks but not for East Asian or South Asian applicants but we find strong preferences in favor of applicants from disadvantages socioeconomic backgrounds.
Having laid the groundwork for debates about jazz reception in Germany in , explores jazz in the years of immediate postwar occupation in Germany: from the fall of the regime in 1945 to the founding of the GDR in 1949. During these years, Berlin, the former Nazi capital, served as the epicenter for the formerly Allied occupying powers to engage in ideological battle. During this time, both Soviet and Western allies employed culture, music, and jazz as key tools of the postwar rebuilding effort, with each side using jazz as a political tool to sway audiences toward democratic or socialist ideals. This chapter details the prominence Soviet policymakers assigned to music of African-American descent, recruiting it for propagandistic purposes, and shows how jazz served as entertainment for troops in the Western sectors. Charting the political developments that led to the creation of the GDR in 1949, this chapter further explores the personal experiences of German jazz fans in the late 1940s, whose experiences offer key accounts of racial segregation in the American sectors alongside the impact of Soviet propaganda of the time.
War can make states, but can it also make regimes? This article brings the growing literatures on authoritarianism and coups into conversation with the older research tradition analyzing the interplay between war and state formation. The authors offer a global empirical test of the argument that regional rebellions are especially likely to give rise to militarized authoritarian regimes. While this argument was initially developed in the context of Southeast Asia, the article deepens the original theory by furnishing a deductively grounded framework embedded in rational actor approaches in the coup and civil–military literatures. In support of the argument, quantitative tests confirm that regional rebellions make political militarization more likely not simply in a single region, but more generally.
The participation of armed forces in humanitarian operations and in disaster response is common in many countries. In Brazil, the armed forces have had history in providing health support to victims in emergencies, which also includes the provision of pharmaceutical services (PS).
Even though being essential for the provision of health care in disaster response, the preparedness of PS is not well-addressed in the literature. The use of a comprehensive approach to evaluate preparedness of PS in military institutions may subsidize preparedness measures. The goals of this work were to analyze the preparedness of PS for disaster response and humanitarian aid in military units of a Brazilian armed force institution, and to propose a framework to improve the preparedness of PS in operational medicine.
An investigation of a cross-sectional design was performed. A logic model and indicators to evaluate preparedness of PS were applied. Data were obtained from official documents, interviews with key stakeholders, and observation of good storage practices (GSP).
Identified were: lack of specific budget for medicine procurement in case of disaster, absence of emergency stockpile, proper means for medicine transportation, and records of trained health professionals. An emergency plan, a list of selected medicines, adaptable mobile health care units, and a system for mobilization of health professionals were some of the positive aspects recognized. Different aspects for improvement were acknowledged and recommendations to favor the efficiency and the quality of PS in emergencies were proposed.
The investigation provided valuable results for the planning and execution of responses to disasters and humanitarian aid. The findings and proposed recommendations may be useful for other military organizations similar to those in Brazil.
Good relations and trust are the foundation of soft power diplomacy and are essential for the accomplishment of domestic interventions and any bilateral or multilateral endeavor. Military use for assistance and relief is not a novel concept, but it has increased since the early 1990s with many governments choosing to provide greater numbers of forces and assets to assist domestically and internationally. The increase is due to the growing lack of capacity in global humanitarian networks and increasingly inadequate resources available to undertake United Nations humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) missions. In response, the military has been more proactive in pursuing the improvement of military-to-military and military-to-civilian integration. This trend reflects a move towards more advanced and comprehensive approaches to security cooperation and requires increased support from the civilian humanitarian sector to help meet the needs of the most vulnerable. Military assistance is progressing beyond traditional methods to place a higher value on issues relating to civil cooperation, restoring public health infrastructure, protection, and human rights, all of which are ensuring a permanent diplomatic role for this soft power approach.
Argues for Clinton's reversion to Cold War diplomacy in his second term. Containment of Russia and Iraq became central concerns. Chronicles Clinton battles with Congress, his impeachment, and his expansive foreign policy of apparent humanitarian interventions (in Kosovo especially), but waged as much to contain Russian power as to advance human rights.