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The history of Italian warfare from 1300 to 1500 has been dominated by discussion of mercenary soldiers. Italian states used them throughout the Middle Ages and by the fourteenth century the practice evolved into a species of “system,” characterized by reliance on preformed bands of substantial size, containing also foreign soldiers from outside of the peninsula. The era of the “companies of adventure” (compagnie di ventura), as it is known, lasted from roughly the second decade to the end of the fourteenth century. It was followed by the emergence in the fifteenth century of individual native mercenary captains, condottieri, who settled into regular service with states and were the precursor to more permanent armies by the middle of the century. The reliance on mercenaries rendered Italian warfare out of touch with developments elsewhere in Europe, and left the peninsula unprepared for the onslaught of the armies of France and Spain and the Italian Wars in the sixteenth century. The invasion of Italy in 1494 by the French king Charles VIII was the signal event that revealed the weakness of Italian military institutions and more generally the strength of the rising nation state over its evolutionary predecessor, the city-state.
The Tang dynasty, which lasted from 618 to 907, was typical of China’s great imperial regimes in that it owed its creation to successful military action and saw its subsequent fortunes shaped to a very great extent by events on the battlefield; when its military power waned the dynasty faltered, and when that power had dissipated completely it fell. In the Tang, as under earlier and later dynasties, the ruling elites were intensely interested in matters of military policy and strategy, with military expenditures claiming the largest portion of the state’s revenues. For the Tang, as for all of the other dynasties, the image of Confucian sage kings ruling by moral suasion, without reference to force of arms, belongs to the realm of myth rather than reality.
Anthropologists believe that the Japanese archipelago was settled by migrants from the Asian mainland sometime between 140,000 and 500,000 years ago, when falling global temperatures trapped water in glaciers and the polar ice caps, causing sea levels to drop 120 m or more below their present levels, and opening land bridges to Siberia and the Korean peninsula. Permanent village settlements and a cultural complex known as the Jōmon, after the distinctive, cord-marked slab pottery found at most sites, appeared between 14,500 and 10,000 bce. Around 1,000 bce, a new wave of immigrants spread outward from northern Kyushu, intermingling with the Jōmon peoples and displacing their civilization with a new one, which archaeologists have dubbed Yayoi after the location of the first site discovered, in Tokyo in 1884. The newcomers brought with them bronze- and iron-working skills, advanced agricultural techniques, and more sophisticated forms of political organization.
The ways in which different medieval cultures justified war, theorized about war, and developed different customs that shaped the conduct of warfare varied widely. While the many “cultures of war” that emerged in the medieval world shared some basic characteristics, what is more broadly comparable are the processes or dynamics that shaped military cultures around the world. This chapter will explore, comparatively and as globally as the evidence allows, those dynamics and the cultural patterns they produced. It will argue that cultures of war emerged from a series of intersections between ideas about war on the one hand, and the various contexts within which wars happened – geographic, socioeconomic, and political – on the other. These intersections shaped cultures of war at the broadest level, and more specifically complicated the development of justifications of war, theories about war and its uses, and the customs that influenced the conduct of warfare within individual cultures.
Informal institutions are the voluntary social arrangements established between households that are used to solve problems that they cannot resolve on their own. Examples from seven ancient and premodern societies are used to illustrate the operation of informal institutions to mobilize labor, establish and maintain interhousehold social networks, obtain spouses, construct intergroup trade networks, and supply emergency support to avoid household failure.
Merchants were an important feature of the ancient commercial landscape. This chapter examines the merchant’s dilemma, the conditions that gave rise to their appearance, and the way that merchants operated in the ancient world. Structures of operation discussed include commenda partnerships, diaspora communities, and the role merchants played in the development of the putting-out system of managed production. Examples discussed include tribal merchants in New Guinea and South India as well as merchants in the state-level societies of Bronze Age Assur and Aztec Mexico.
Marketplaces were the lifeblood of household provisioning and occurred in many state and stateless societies throughout the ancient and premodern past. This chapter examines the nature of market exchange, the different types of marketplaces documented in societies of different scale, and the factors involved in their origin. Case studies are discussed from multiple state and stateless societies around the world.
This chapter examines four forces that fostered the development of centralized leadership in early complex societies: the development of resource-holding groups, the intensification of production, the need for mutual protection, and the necessity of regulating interaction with neighboring groups. The palace was an important institution in many early societies, and the Bronze Age kingdoms of Old Kingdom Egypt and Canaanite Ugarit are examined for how they were organized.
In this chapter, we provide an overview of the theoretical basis of, barriers to, and interventions aimed at improving belonging in schools. Our discussion focuses on interpersonal relations and individual perceptions as fundamental to the sense of belonging. We review research on belonging as a fundamental human motive as well as newer work exploring variability in the experience of belonging. We also address barriers to belonging, illustrating the relational role of peers and teachers. We conclude by highlighting three interventions shown to foster belonging in an educational context, focusing on challenging psychological perceptions of threat (Walton & Cohen, 2011), changing the climate (Walton et al., 2015), and promoting cross-group friendships (Page-Gould, Mendoza-Denton, & Tropp, 2008). Throughout the chapter, we highlight the importance of the roles of the institution, community, and individuals involved.
Social norms pervade society and when they conflict with legal norms, the former undermine the latter making them ineffective. In this study, we propose that the extortion racket in Sicily has turned into a social norm and this is why recent top-down interventions have failed in stalling this socially undesirable activity. One exception is represented by Addiopizzo, a grass root movement that uses non-legal means to fight the racket phenomenon in Sicily. During the last 15 years, Addiopizzo was able to produce an effective reduction in the payment of protection money in the Sicilian city of Palermo by triggering, we suggest, among other things, a process of change in social norms. Acknowledging the importance of a change in social norms to achieve social change allows us to link the theory of institutions as ‘rules’ with the theory of institutions as ‘equilibria’.
This chapter draws attention to the Afrocentric linguistic and literacy practices of English-additional-language students in the department mechanical engineering at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology in reclaiming their rightful voice in recuperating the curriculum in the process of decolonisation. As part of a broader study, the author created a multimodal intervention for the students who were struggling to gain access to their discipline-specific language. The chapter reports on their elicited experiences in making sense of the curriculum by using these multimodal resources. From a theoretical perspective, the chapter draws on Hornberger’s continua of biliteracy model to provide us with a lens to discuss the responses and language practices of the participants. Questionnaires, focus group interviews and various excerpts gathered from texts produced by English-as-additional language students provided the data for the study. The findings point to dehegemonising practices and the restructuring of knowledge that recognises Afrocentric literacies and cultures.
Social order in the Navy was produced vertically through formal institutions and professional practices that usually assured good governance. It was also produced horizontally through informal mechanisms that knitted seamen to one another, provided leadership and enabled cooperation. This social order could be fragile, however. Poor governance fomented grievances and incidents of misrule focused existing grievances on commanders. As grievances mounted, the informal groups that gave coherence to seamen’s lives provide a basis for protest. The challenge for seamen was coordinating a response and attaining the solidarity necessary to achieve their collective goals.
The move to a more digital, more mobile, and more platform-dominated media environment represents a change to the institutions and infrastructures of free expression and a form of “democratic creative destruction” that challenges incumbent institutions, creates new ones, and in many ways empowers individual citizens, even as this change also leaves both individuals and institutions increasingly dependent on a few large US-based technology companies and subjects many historically disadvantaged groups to more abuse and harassment online. This chapter aims to step away from assessing the democratic implications of the internet on the basis of individual cases, countries, or outcomes, but rather to focus on how structural changes in the media are intertwined with changes in democratic politics.
The conclusion begins by exploring questions of internal and external validity. In the latter case, the concept of religious group identity is applied to faiths other than Islam and is found to extend to other egalitarian faiths, including Judaism and Buddhism. In addition, cross-national data on vote volatility confirm that the trust problem in voter coordination extends beyond the Turkish case. Delving into some out-of-sample predictions, I consider where in the Muslim world Islamic groups might be particularly successful, based on a combination of low trust and salient Islamic identity. I also explore what might explain the strange combination of low trust and high honesty in Muslim countries. To address this trust deficit, I suggest that over-bearing institutions may play a key role in not allowing citizens to learn who among them can really be trusted. Finally, I consider what factors from within my theory could explain the eventual decline of Islamic-based groups, in Turkey and elsewhere, before posing some questions for future lines of inquiry.
In the context of the arrival of Syrians as of 2011 and the subsequent humanitarian assistance received in light of the EU–Turkey deal in 2016, there has been increased control over civil society organizations (CSOs) in Turkey. Through the case study of language education, this paper examines the relationship between the state and CSOs as shaped by the presence of Syrian refugees and how it evolved through the autonomy of state bureaucracy. It demonstrates that increased control led to the proliferation of larger projects, the deterrence of smaller CSOs, and a hierarchy between organizations prioritizing those that are aligned with the state. It argues that this policy is not only the result of the increased lack of trust between state and civil society but also an attempt to channel funds through state institutions to handle an unprecedented number of refugees while externalizing some of its functions. At the same time, this emerging relationship effectively allows the state to avoid making long-term integration policies and facing growing tensions among the public. This study is based on a qualitative study encompassing interviews with state officials as well as stakeholders in different types of CSOs that deliver language education for adults.
Drawing on an ethnographic study in two counties in Hunan province, this article explores how political brokerage has contributed to political order in China by facilitating contentious and non-contentious bargaining between the government and ordinary people. To account for the changing role of village leaders in rural politics, the article develops a concept of dual brokerage. This concept not only recognizes formal and informal linkages between village leaders and the two principals – the government and the community of villagers – but also underscores the interactivity between the linkages. We contend that despite the tensions between village leaders’ roles as state agents and as village representatives, these two roles in the reform era tend to be mutually beneficial. Under such an institutional configuration, village leaders in China in the reform era have strong incentives to act as dual agents and can make policy implementation more flexible and the use of state force more moderate. A comparison between the trilateral interactions before and after the tax reform in 2005 confirms that whether village leaders can effectively act as dual agents has a significant impact on the quality of rural governance in China.
Chapter 11 reiterates that after the (premature) celebration of the splendor of the EMU, the crisis has soon shown the sad reality. A debate on the various prospects open has then arisen, involving economists, politologists, political parties, and laymen. The EMU is now really at a crossroads. A number of differences divide the various countries and make amendments to its institutions very difficult to devise and, even more, to implement. The Union would need more common institutions, notably a fiscal union, but there are a number of obstacles to its implementation. These derive from structural differences between the countries that have even been exacerbated by the effects of the crisis and differences finding their roots in historical, cultural, and material differences. The main alternatives open to the EMU are: its break up, a many-speed Union, exit of some countries, structural reforms of the EMU institutions and policies. While the perspective of a break up seems to fade, the other alternatives are still grounded. Some steps for pursuing over the next years not only economic and political goals, but also democratic accountability and effective governance are possible. Much will depend on the orientation of the new Commission.
The policies implemented in the EMU and the differences with the United States are described in Chapter 6. They added to the negative consequences of the institutional differences. The content of the policies implemented in the two areas was rather different. More importantly, the evolution of the crisis and the outcomes of policies remarkably differ. In Europe the original determinants of the crisis were of a purely financial nature, as in the United States. However, they evolved into a sovereign debt crisis, which was not the case in the United States. We attribute this largely to the different institutions in the two areas, in addition to the policies enacted, which were anyway to a large extent constrained by these institutions. Policymakers were either incapable of taking the opportunity to reform them or interested in keeping them and making them to serve national or other interests. Monetary policies have prevailed in both the United States and EMU, but in Washington they have been complemented by federal fiscal policies in the initial, decisive, phase of the crisis. By contrast, no similar expansionary policy was implemented in Europe, where fiscal policies were managed at the state level and were generally deflationary.
Finally, Chapter 6 draws on the book’s analysis to make conclusions and recommendations designed to improve the effectiveness of domestic human rights implementation. These recommendations regarding social institutions are directed primarily towards states parties to international human rights treaties, as well as to the UN treaty bodies. It urges a shift in the international discourse on culture and human rights, a more creative approach to implementation measures, and greater scope for non-state actors. The chapter situates this analysis in the present context of globalisation, the rise of privatisation and the changing role of the state. It also looks ahead to projections of increasing religiosity and to Islam becoming the world’s largest religion. The chapter explores the broader application of the book’s main contention and its thematic connection to other scholarship on human rights narratives and challenges to state-centricity.
The introductory chapter frames the book in the contemporary setting of persistent human rights violations, increasing human rights contestation and shifting global dynamics. The chapter articulates the challenge of human rights implementation, highlighting the gap between international norms and local realities. It identifies several problematic factors in the effective domestic implementation of international human rights law. First, the chapter addresses the long-standing cultural critique of universal human rights, and their continued cultural disconnect in many societies today. It then addresses the state-centric and legalistic nature of human rights as problematic factors in implementation. This first chapter advocates an increased role for other (non-legal) measures and other (non-state) actors in the domestic implementation of human rights in order to overcome the problems identified. Specifically, a greater role for social institutions is advocated. Finally, the first chapter sets out the book’s research design, case study and structure.